Sergio Cofferati

thumb|upright|Sergio Cofferati in 2009 Sergio Cofferati (born 1948) is an Italian trade unionist and politician. He was secretary general of CGIL from 1994 to 2002, mayor of Bologna for the Democrats of the Left from 2004 to 2009, and Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from 2009 to 2019 elected as a candidate of the Democratic Party. Quotes Quotes are listed in chronological order [...] comics, perhaps out of snobbery, literary superficiality or simple indifference, are always considered second-rate, a pastime for the masses, a poor art form and therefore too often mistreated. Well, I repeat, for me this is a mistaken judgement. Example: Dino Battaglia interpreted great classics from Melville to Maupassant to Rabelais, and his work was truly a unanimously recognised masterpiece, a magnificent work. [...] i fumetti, un po' per snobismo, forse per superficialità letteraria oppure per semplice qualunquismo vengono sempre considerati una roba di serie B, un passatempo per la massa, un'arte povera e quindi troppe volte bistrattata. Ebbene, lo ripeto, per me è un giudizio sbagliato. Esempio: Dino Battaglia ha interpretato grandi classici da Melville a Maupassant a Rabelais e il suo lavoro è stato veramente un capolavoro unanimemente riconosciuto, un'opera magnifica. As quoted in Cofferati: "Basta maltrattare Tex", repubblica.it (February 24, 1998) Bonelli's character has marked generations, resisted fads and changes, and sent positive and educational messages to young people. w:it:Tex (fumetto), in fact, is a positive character: he is on the side of the righteous – I don't say on the side of the good, which is an overused term these days... –, he has courage and dignity, he is white, but he is also the leader of the Indians. Reading his adventures, I have always been struck by the representation of team spirit, the bond with his son, with the Indians, with his friend Carson. The message is what counts in everything: Japanese cartoons and comics are full of violence and death, Tex is full of fistfights and death too, but it's adventure with a capital A, it's fantasy that counts. Il personaggio di Bonelli ha scandito generazioni, resistito a mode e cambiamenti, mandato messaggi positivi ed educativi per i ragazzi. Tex, infatti, è un positivo: sta dalla parte dei giusti – non dico dalla parte dei buoni, termine inflazionato, di questi tempi... –, ha coraggio e dignità, è un bianco, ma è anche il capo degli indiani. Leggendo le avventure mi ha sempre colpito la rappresentazione dello spirito di gruppo, il legame con il figlio, con l'indiano, con l'amico Carson. Il messaggio è quello che conta, in tutte le cose: i cartoni animati e i fumetti giapponesi sono pieni di violenza e morti, Tex è pieno di scazzottate e morti, anche, ma è l'avventura, con la maiuscola, è la fantasia che va. As quoted in Cofferati: "Basta maltrattare Tex", repubblica.it (February 24, 1998) We must be extremely rigorous in prosecuting crimes, and equally rigorous in not allowing crimes to be exploited. Bisogna essere rigorosissimi nel perseguire i reati, e altrettanto rigorosi nel non lasciare che i reati vengano strumentalizzati. As quoted in Corriere della Sera (June 22, 2005) (On the footballers' protest) You can't idolise a champion on Sunday because he wins your team a match and then forget that maybe the night before he was found drunk and fighting, and then when he and his teammates try to defend the rights of the whole profession, especially the weaker and less wealthy players, they are told they can't because they are rich and spoiled. I would have understood if they had asked for more money, but for the first time they are fighting for rights, not for material reasons: this is something new and should be admired. (Sulla protesta dei calciatori) Non si può idolatrare il campione la domenica perché fa vincere la tua squadra e dimenticarsi che magari la sera prima è stato trovato ubriaco a fare a pugni e poi quando lui stesso con i suoi compagni cerca di difendere i diritti di tutta la categoria, soprattutto di quelli meno forti e ricchi, gli si risponda che non possono perché sono ricchi e viziati. Lo avrei capito se avessero chiesto altri soldi, ma per la prima volta si battono per dei diritti, non per motivi materiali: è una novità e va ammirata. As quoted in «Chiedono diritti non stipendi più alti», l'Unità (August 27, 2011), p. 19 Stefano Rodotà is a high-profile candidate who is well placed to represent the country at European and international level. The work and rights that give him dignity, the value of citizenship and the foundations of the Constitution have always been an important part of his culture. Quella di Stefano Rodotà è una candidatura di alto profilo, in grado di rappresentare adeguatamente il Paese anche a livello europeo e internazionale. Il lavoro e i diritti che gli danno dignità, il valore della cittadinanza e i fondamenti della Costituzione sono da sempre parte rilevante della sua cultura. As quoted in n Fabrizio Barca, poi Landini e Cofferati: nuovo partito a sinistra nato da un tweet?, blitzquotidiano.it (April 20, 2013) When peace is threatened, it must be defended. The invader must be stopped. In Ukraine, there is a violent, destructive invasion of a defenceless population. Therefore, we must use all the tools that the situation calls for: diplomatic action, economic and financial sanctions against the invader. At the same time, we must help those under attack with relief measures and by strengthening their ability to defend themselves, including through military aid and the supply of weapons. La pace quando viene messa in discussione, va conquistata. Bisogna fermare l'invasore. In Ucraina c‘è una invasione violenta, distruttiva di una popolazione inerme. Perciò bisogna utilizzare tutti gli strumenti che la situazione sollecita: azione diplomatica, sanzioni di carattere economico e finanziario contro l'invasore. Al tempo stesso aiutare gli aggrediti con misure di soccorso e rafforzando la loro capacità di difendersi, quindi anche con l'aiuto militare, l'invio di armi. From the interview of Giovanna Casadio, Cofferati: "La pace si difende anche inviando le armi", la Repubblica (March 7, 2022), p. 15 It is one thing to reject war, because you do not promote it, encourage it or justify it, but here war is happening: Putin is waging it. We must help those under attack in every way possible, with political and military means. And this is a story we know well. Why do we not look to our past? Would we ever have freed ourselves from the Nazis and the Fascists without the use of arms? Didn't those who helped us in those years also do so with military means? I want peace. I believe in the absolute value of peace and democracy, but when it is under attack, it must be defended by any means necessary. If we do not distinguish between aggressors and the attacked, we risk making wrong and ideologically twisted choices. Un conto è ripudiare la guerra, perché non la promuovi, non la solleciti e non la giustifichi, ma qui la guerra c'è: la sta facendo Putin. Dobbiamo aiutare gli aggrediti in ogni modo, con gli strumenti di carattere politico e militare. Ed è una storia che conosciamo. Come mai non guardiamo al nostro passato? Ci saremmo mai liberati dai nazisti e dai fascisti senza l'uso delle armi? Chi ci aiutò in quegli anni non lo fece forse anche con gli strumenti militari? Io voglio la pace. Credo nel valore assoluto della pace e della democrazia, ma quando è attaccata va difesa in ogni modo. Se non si distingue tra aggressori e aggrediti, si rischia di compiere scelte errate e ideologicamente contorte. From the interview of Giovanna Casadio, Cofferati: "La pace si difende anche inviando le armi", la Repubblica (March 7, 2022), p. 15 Cofferati: «Contro di noi accuse inaccettabili» From an interview of Roberto Giovannini, La Stampa (March 22, 2002), p. 7 Interviewer: ‘Wasn't it a mistake [...] to claim that Biagi collaborated with both the government and Confindustria?’ Cofferati: In claiming, as I did, that there is collusion between Confindustria and the centre-right government, I expressed a political opinion. Nothing more and nothing less, nothing to do with individuals or relationships with individuals. I was and still am convinced of this. And what I said about Professor Biagi was simply an objective fact: he was the coordinator of the group that drafted the ‘White Paper’ and was also a collaborator of Confindustria. The professor's death affected me deeply; I am not affected by accusations that I consider completely unfounded. I never considered Biagi an adversary: he was a valuable expert. Even with the murders of Ruffilli, Tarantelli and D'Antona, terrorist madness sought to strike scholars and intellectuals in the service of the state. But this time, Biagi was killed while the confrontation and negotiations in which he was participating in an authoritative capacity were underway. This is a targeted attack on social cohesion policies, but also on the very mechanism by which social dialogue takes place. It is intended to influence the social partners involved in the negotiations. This is another reason why it is important to remain as firm as ever in the fight against terrorism, but also to have the intelligence to quickly restore social dialogue. In its physiological, natural forms: negotiation, the possibility of reaching agreements, or moving on to conflict and struggle if there is disagreement. Terrorism cannot dictate the timing, the merits or the dynamics of the debate. I think it is entirely understandable that the government should confirm its intentions on Article 18. It is equally essential that the trade unions do the same, with a critical assessment of the government's proposals and with struggle and conflict. [...] It is all perfectly normal and natural. There was a confrontation with the government that did not have a positive outcome, there was a breakdown, and the trade unions asserted their reasons with this initiative. Terrorism wants to prevent this natural process. And all those who support this attempt, more or less unconsciously, are making a serious mistake. [...] for the first time, an executive has proposed changes to the rights system, with an economic and social policy that is explicitly hostile to the ideas and proposals of the trade unions. Article 18 has become the symbolic reference point for all this. There is conflict, but there is nothing more ‘orderly’ than the struggles that CGIL-CISL-UIL have waged in recent months. When people talk about a ‘climate of hatred’ – referring to the trade unions – they are making statements that are out of place and have no basis in the reality of Italian society. Some attacks are not only unfounded, but literally disgraceful. Interviewer: The CGIL and its secretary are accused of having political motives. Of wanting to ally themselves with judges and the ‘girotondi’ (protesters). Cofferati: These are unacceptable accusations. I contest choices that I believe to be wrong on their merits; they continue to say that the CGIL is not doing its job as a trade union, that we have a political strategy. The right to criticise cannot be demonised. And there is a misguided underestimation of the role of social representative organisations. The government has a duty to pursue its objectives, but it must know that if part of the social representation does not share these objectives, a break and then conflict are inevitable. I would never dream of contesting their legitimacy to govern, but they cannot contest the legitimacy of my right to oppose them with the rules of democracy and a practice established over many decades. ‘[...] You are accused of mobilising the union for reasons that are not relevant. Almost of being a “bad teacher”, of encouraging terrorism.’ I consider this accusation not only unfounded but also offensive to this organisation and its history. The Italian trade union is an enemy of terrorists and is considered by them, not surprisingly, as one of the targets to be explicitly fought. The reason is easy to understand for those who want to see it. The CGIL, and other trade union and social organisations, fought to eradicate terrorism from Italian society, even when terrorism was strongest and most deeply rooted in society. When it tried to penetrate the world of work to gain cover and influence behaviour. It would not have been defeated in the 1970s and 1980s if there had not been a clear and unhesitating decision by the trade union to confront terrorism and violence head-on. Luciano Lama was secretary general of the CGIL trade union at a time when terrorism was a particularly aggressive cancer in Italian society. He had the merit and great courage – together with others – to take the CGIL against political violence and terrorism. He was a true moral authority in this country, a role that, unfairly, was not fully recognised. Interviewer: 'What do you think when they accuse you of wanting to strike against Marco Biagi's ideas? Cofferati: I don't think anything. It's a statement that offends me. =Cofferati: salto nell'ignoto From an interview of Giampaolo Pansa, L'Espresso (June 13, 2002) This government does not merely want to break up the trade union movement, it wants to change its very nature. It began by saying that the CGIL is not a trade union but a political force: ridiculous! (On the Berlusconi II government) It will end up pushing the unions, those that give in, to reduce their activities in protecting workers and become primarily service providers. In the social democratic model, the left-wing party is born out of the trade union movement. Here, the parties believe they are the beginning of the world. Questo Governo non vuole soltanto la rottura del movimento sindacale, ma il suo mutamento genetico. Ha cominciato col dire che la CGIL non è un sindacato, bensì una forza politica: ridicolo! (Sul governo Berlusconi II) Finirà con lo spingere i sindacati, quelli che si piegheranno, a ridurre la loro attività di tutela dei lavoratori per diventare soprattutto erogatori di servizi. Nel modello socialdemocratico, il partito di sinistra nasce dal movimento sindacale. Da noi, i partiti si credono l'inizio del mondo. Cofferati: "Non è come il mio 2002, allora c'era Berlusconi, oggi un nostro esecutivo" From an interview of Roberto Mania, repubblica.it (October 25, 2014) (On the Renzi government) I think it is a centre-left government that produces policies that are unacceptable to some of its voters. While political representation is becoming increasingly rare because parties are becoming lighter, even fluid, according to some, resorting to the streets on major issues is becoming almost a necessary outlet for voters who no longer have places and tools through which to express their opinions. Interviewer: You mean that without mass parties, the only option left is the streets? Cofferati: The streets become the main place where people can express their ideas. Interviewer: But isn't there a risk that protest will have no effect? That it will become a mere outlet? Cofferati: That wouldn't be a bad thing or a cause for concern. A demonstration can also bring about change. [...] without places and subjects of mediation, conflict increases. The stronger the trade unions, the less conflict there is. The more deeply rooted a party is, the better it manages its relationship with the electorate. (Sul governo Renzi) Penso che sia un governo di centrosinistra che produce politiche non condivisibili per una parte dei suoi elettori. Mentre la rappresentanza politica si rarefà perché i partiti diventano più leggeri, liquidi addirittura, secondo alcuni, il ricorso alla piazza su grandi temi diventa quasi uno sbocco obbligato da parte di elettori che non hanno più luoghi e strumenti attraverso i quali esprimere le proprie opinioni. Intervistatore: «Vuol dire che senza i partiti di massa rimane solo la piazza?» Cofferati: La piazza diventa il luogo principale nel quale far vivere le proprie idee. Intervistatore: «Ma così non c'è il rischio che la protesta non produca alcun effetto? Che diventi una mera valvola di sfogo?» Cofferati: Non sarebbe niente di male o di preoccupante. Una manifestazione può anche determinare cambiamenti. [...] senza più luoghi e soggetti della mediazione aumenti il conflitto. Più forti sono i sindacati, più il conflitto si riduce. Più un partito è radicato, più si gestisce il rapporto con gli elettori. Cofferati: «Stessa consapevolezza del 2002: una risposta di massa alla violenza» From an interview of Massimo Franchi, ilmanifesto.it (October 16, 2021) [...] the devastation of the headquarters of Italy's most important trade union is seen by workers and people as a tearing apart of their identity, of who they are, of their values. It is a deep wound, not defined by the extent of the damage, which is irrelevant. Wanting to deface a historic organisation such as the CGIL means crossing the threshold of alarm. It is clear that the decision to announce a counter-demonstration just a few hours after the Forza Nuova attack has already had an effect. If Casapound has decided – naturally as political propaganda – to offer flowers to the police, it means that that area has understood that the path taken last Saturday was no longer viable. And that it was necessary to turn back. To prevent a neo-fascist-inspired right-wing culture from taking hold, it is useful to dissolve organisations such as Forza Nuova by applying the Constitution. But that is certainly not enough. Daily work is needed to raise awareness of history so that what has happened does not happen again: the right-wing subculture is permeated by violence, and to combat it, democracy must be as widespread as possible. [...] la devastazione della sede del più importante sindacato in Italia è vista dai lavoratori e dalle persone come una lacerazione della propria identità, del chi sei, dei propri valori. È una ferita profonda, non definita dall'entità del danno che anzi è irrilevante. Aver voluto sfregiare un'organizzazione storica come la Cgil significa superare la soglia d'allarme. È evidente che già la decisione di annunciare subito, a poche ore dall'assalto di Forza Nuova, una manifestazione di risposta ha già prodotto un effetto. Se Casapound ha deciso – naturalmente come propaganda politica – di offrire fiori alle forze dell'ordine, significa che quell'area ha compreso che la china presa sabato scorso non era più percorribile. E che bisognasse tornare indietro. Per evitare che prenda corpo una cultura di destra di ispirazione neofascista è utile sciogliere le organizzazioni come Forza Nuova applicando la Costituzione. Ma di certo non basta. Serve un lavoro quotidiano per far conoscere la storia perché non si ripeta ciò che è avvenuto: la sottocultura di destra è permeata dalla violenza e per combatterla serve che la democrazia sia la più estesa possibile. Quotes about Cofferati didn't do what he was supposed to do. I had even bet the newspaper on him. He was the new leader of the left and he backed out. He disappointed millions of people. Cofferati non ha fatto quello che doveva fare. Io avevo puntato anche il giornale su di lui. Era il nuovo leader della sinistra e si è tirato indietro. Ha deluso alcuni milioni di persone. q:it:Riccardo Barenghi. As quoted in Claudio Sabelli Fioretti, Riccardo Barenghi (April 28, 2005) It was impossible to socialise or joke with him. Cofferati is the trade unionist with whom I have had the most difficult personal relationship. [...] In truth, he immediately withdrew from the national competition. He chose not to be defeated and to start over. Con lui era impossibile socializzare, scherzare. Cofferati è il sindacalista con il quale ho avuto le maggiori difficoltà umane. [...] In verità si è subito ritirato dalla competizione nazionale. Ha scelto di non farsi sconfiggere e di ricominciare. Sergio D'Antoni. As quoted in Claudio Sabelli Fioretti, Sergio D'Antoni (July 15, 2004) I am very fond of Sergio Cofferati. He is the Italian trade unionist with whom I felt most in tune when I was a minister. [...] He is contradictory, he has not been consistent with what he thought and what I believe he still thinks. Io voglio molto bene a Sergio Cofferati. È il sindacalista italiano con cui mi sentivo più consonante, da ministro. [...] È contraddittorio con se stesso, non è stato coerente con quello che pensava e che credo pensi ancora. Gianni De Michelis. From an interview of Claudio Sabelli Fioretti, SabelliFioretti.it, Sette (October 2, 2003) If Cofferati had continued with reformism, he probably would not have brought three million people onto the streets, but he would have positioned himself as a point of reference for broader political alliances. Se Cofferati avesse continuato con il riformismo, probabilmente non avrebbe portato tre milioni di persone in piazza, ma si sarebbe posto come punto di riferimento di schieramenti più vasti. Ottaviano Del Turco. As quoted in Claudio Sabelli Fioretti, Ottaviano Del Turco (June 24, 2004) External links Category:1948 births Category:Living people Category:Politicians from Italy Category:Italian trade unionists