Jack Reed (Rhode Island politician)

thumb|Aspirations are not enough when the stakes involve war and the futures of millions of people. One of the first lessons I learned as an Army officer is that ‘hope’ is not a plan. John Francis Reed (born November 12, 1949) is an American politician, lawyer, and former Army officer serving as the senior United States senator from Rhode Island, a seat he was first elected to in 1996. A member of the Democratic Party, he was the U.S. representative for Rhode Island's 2nd congressional district from 1991 to 1997. Reed graduated from the United States Military Academy and Harvard University, serving in the U.S. Army as an active officer from 1971 to 1979. He has been the dean of Rhode Island's congressional delegation since the death of John Chafee in 1999. Quotes Speech supporting War Powers Resolution (8 January 2026) Mr. President, for four months, my Democratic colleagues and I have come to the floor to warn against President Trump’s military operations in South and Central America. We have pointed out that his boat strike campaign was strategically incoherent, legally questionable, and – ultimately – not about narcotrafficking at all. We have argued that the Administration’s shifting legal justifications, refusal to give Congress straight answers and information required by law, and a massive military buildup pointed toward something larger than narcotrafficking. Indeed, we warned that these actions were always directed at the government and economy of Venezuela.That campaign has now culminated in a military raid on Caracas, the capture of Nicolás Maduro and his wife, and President Trump’s extraordinary declaration that the United States will “run” Venezuela and seize control of its oil reserves.Let me be clear about something at the outset: Nicolás Maduro is a brutal dictator who has destroyed Venezuela’s economy, crushed democratic opposition, and fostered widespread corruption. He will not be missed. But, this operation was not designed to restore peace in Venezuela or protect America from the ravages of drugs. Indeed, Mr. President, this operation is not about democracy. It is not about the suffering of the Venezuelan people. It is not even about narcotrafficking, despite the Administration killing more than 100 people in its strikes on alleged drug boats. In the President’s own words, this campaign is simply about seizing Venezuela’s oil and profiting from it.The people of Venezuela have suffered extraordinary hardship under the Maduro regime. They have voted in multiple elections for new leadership, and have been denied their choice through fraud and repression. After everything they have endured, the people of Venezuela deserve to choose what happens next in their country. They do not deserve to have their future dictated by President Trump, Secretary Rubio, or anyone else in Washington. Yet that is precisely what this administration intends to do. The plan presented by the White House is to simply force the remnants of the Maduro regime to grant the United States exclusive access to Venezuelan oil, or face the consequences of a blockade. That’s it; that’s the plan.Not in the plan? Positive change for the people of Venezuela. There is no framework for elections or democratic transition. No serious assessment of the rival political factions inside Venezuela – factions that have been waiting for precisely this moment to seize power. I have seen no contingency plan for what happens when China, Russia, Iran, or Cuba – nations with deep economic interests in Venezuela – decide to back proxy groups in a country we have just destabilized. Nor have I heard any proposal for the next steps for countering narcotrafficking. The Administration’s goals are aspirational at best. And aspirations are not enough when the stakes involve war and the futures of millions of people.Mr. President, one of the first lessons I learned as an Army officer is that ‘hope’ is not a plan. Over my career – both in uniform and in Congress – I have seen the United States hope that its military interventions abroad would succeed. I have seen regime changes, nation-building efforts, and elaborate reconstruction schemes launched with confident predictions of success, only to collapse when encountered with reality on the ground. And the reality is this: when we rely on the United States military as our primary tool of foreign engagement, we set ourselves up for failure. We have persistently misunderstood and misjudged the cultures, histories, and politics of the nations in which we have intervened, because we assume military might is enough. We imagine outcomes that align with our military and economic objectives, but are surprised when those outcomes fail. We consistently fail to plan for the “day after.” Unless the Trump Administration gets serious, Venezuela will be no exception. The Constitution vests the power to authorize war in Congress – not the President. President Trump has claimed this was just a ‘law enforcement’ mission. That is absurd. No matter how he describes it, the President waged war on a foreign nation without authorization, without notification to Congress, and without any explanation to the American people about what this operation will cost or what success will look like. That is a profound constitutional failure, and it must be corrected. Mr. President, I hope I am wrong about the dangers ahead. I hope this administration is right, and the transition in Venezuela proceeds smoothly. I hope the Venezuelan people embrace this outcome and see their lives improve quickly. I hope the violent factions in Venezuela choose peace over conflict. I hope the economic recovery for the people of Venezuela justifies this enormous gamble. But hope is not enough. And history suggests we should prepare for a far more difficult reality.