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ESSENTIALS: Electoral Assistance
by United Nations Development Programme Evaluation Office
UNDP Practice Area: Democratic Governance, Synthesis of Lessons Learned
Introduction
Elections provide a key forum for citizens to
exercise their political voice and participate
in decisions that affect their lives. The
electoral process offers citizens an
opportunity to choose their representatives
and hold public officials to account.
Conversely, elections are crucial to the
political legitimacy of governments and
represent a foundation for states to serve
every citizen and take on the challenges of
poverty focused development.
Development hinges on the broader political
environment, requiring practices of
democratic governance, including active
civic participation, transparent government
policies and accountable public institutions.
In turn, democratic governance ensures that
political, social and economic priorities are
based on a broad consensus in society, and
that the poorest and most vulnerable
citizens have a role in decision making over
the allocation of resources.
Elections present a crucial opportunity to
instill and consolidate democratic practices
that enable meaningful social and economic
development. While elections are essential
to legitimize democratic governance, they
alone are not synonymous with democracy.1
Beyond the assurance of regular, “free and
fair” elections, building a democracy also
requires embedded and truly representative
institutions. 2
Concept
Many countries have started to reform their
electoral practices to more closely meet the
interconnected goals of accountability,
legitimacy, representativeness and
sustainability. In this context, the role of
UNDP has vastly expanded to directly
support electoral processes, representing a
growing share of its governance and
institutional development activities.3 With a
focus on democratization, UNPD and its
partners have adopted sustained, multipronged
efforts that draw on broad support
of domestic and international players. The
primary goal of electoral assistance is to
ensure that countries have the ability to
organize future elections with little or no
external help.
The Electoral Assistance Division of the
Department of Political Affairs
(UNDPA/EAD) supports the Under-
Secretary-General for Political Affairs in his
capacity as the UN’s focal point for electoral
assistance by responding to country
requests and determining the political
feasibility of assistance.4 UNDP works in
partnership with UNDPA/EAD to coordinate
and leverage support through bilateral and
multilateral agencies, international and
national NGO’s, civil society groups and
public institutions at the country level.
As political events with high-stakes
outcomes, elections are sometimes marred
by political instability, violence and social
intimidation. Where they exist, these
conditions can threaten the integrity of any
election process and call for sensitized and
cautious external support. Given the
likelihood of a host government’s interest in
the election outcome, unbiased support for
the electoral process cannot be assumed.
The character and relationship between
existing institutions as well as the level of
social and political insecurity will therefore
largely determine how electoral assistance
is conceived and implemented.
Besides security and political
considerations, any electoral assistance
approach will depend on the type of
election: post conflict, breakthrough,
consolidating or procedural5. Whether
elections are held at national, regional or
local levels, and if they are parliamentary,
presidential or municipal/communal, will
also define the scope of technical and
financial assistance from external agencies.
Given the multiple historical and political
nuances in every electoral assistance effort,
there is no single approach or combination
of strategies that can be endorsed upfront.
The following five lessons have been drawn
from evaluative evidence of UNDP and
partner agency experiences since 1999.
They are intended as a starting point to
guide the multi-faceted planning processes
necessary for any electoral assistance.
Lessons Learned
1. Electoral assistance is most effective when focused on long-term capacity development
Elections are intimately tied with processes
of democratic transition and governance. It
is important to consider them as part of the
permanent institutional framework of a given
country and not a one-time event. Beyond
targeted financial and technical support to
ensure valid and credible elections, longterm
institutional support to electoral
systems and management bodies is
necessary to instill principles of sound
democratic governance.
Capacity building of electoral commissions
constitutes a building block for open,
inclusive and accountable electoral
processes. Better prospects for free, fair
and efficient elections exist where electoral
commissions are independent of the
executive branch and where they rely on a
permanent staff. By assuming important
civic education, voter registry, training and
other functions, permanent commissions
also have a critical role between elections.
High upfront financial and technical
investments in permanent commissions
have proven compelling to achieve longterm
efficiency associated with a
professional staff and minimal need for
future external support.
What to do?
Provide a lead time of at least one year
especially where assistance is
comprehensive and oriented to the
institutional reform of electoral
commissions
Assess to what extent the political
infrastructure will support such reform.
Engage in dialogue with public officials to
determine the level of commitment and
scope of electoral reform. It is crucial to
identify the type of assistance required by
the government so that it is able to
internalize a process that would ensure
the effective use of resources and
sustainability of institutional change.
Scan the political environment to identify
the key issues and stakeholders and
clearly define the short-term (event
specific) and longer-term (institution
building) objectives of the assistance.
Articulate benchmarks for each step of
the process to monitor and ensure that
momentum is not lost between short- and
long-term phases of assistance.
Ensure adequate time for the allocation
of financial and technical support to
electoral institutions and processes. Set
priorities and deadlines appropriate for
each task, whether in resource
management, professional development,
systems technology or legislative reform.
Create an on-site advisory team of
different representatives to advise the
electoral authorities and other actors on a
long-term basis through building
consensus around the objectives of any
assistance with the ongoing participation
of domestic and international
stakeholders, including government
ministries, civil society and NGO’s.
Example:
Leading up to the 2001 local government
elections in Albania, UNDP collaborated
with the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the
International Institute for Democracy and
Electoral Assistance (IDEA) and the
International Foundation for Election (IFES)
to support the electoral management
structures and long-term voter registration
systems at the local district level.
A Central Electoral Commission was
established as an independent institution to
support all local government elections and
build capacity from the bottom-up.
Consensus among donors and national
stakeholders was achieved through regular
consultations, ensuring that the goals of
assistance were constantly aligned.
Technical assistance was provided to
develop a computerized voter list and voter
identification cards, as well as consolidate
data collection in a central unit. Capacity
building and training of Albanian officials in
data management was also provided.
Together, these investments in upgrading
the voter registration systems and building
local capacity helped secure long- term
administrative efficiency and raise public
confidence in the electoral process.
Example:
In Yemen, UNDP played a pivotal role in
strengthening the electoral management
body, Supreme Commission for Elections
and Referenda (SCER). Leading up to the
parliamentary elections in April 2003, UNDP
supported institutional reforms for the
commission with parallel voter education
efforts. The initiative was designed in two
phases: the short-term objective was to
build the voter registry and introduce
standardized management procedures in
the Commission; the long-term five-year
goals were to strengthen broad electoral
processes and civic education. Upon the
completion of phase-one, there was some
evidence of the institutionalization of
democratic governance principles within the
SCER. For example, the principal of
“transparency”—which is critical to the
credibility of any electoral process—was put
into practice throughout the agency: SCER
was encouraged to provide institutional
updates to the public, rely on the media to
disseminate information, and open channels
of communication between other
stakeholders, including political parties and
civil society. An unprecedented level of
public discourse around democratization
was taking hold as a result of the
assistance, achieving well beyond the
project’s anticipated short-term outputs.
Example:
The 2002 presidential and parliamentary
elections in Mali represented a
consolidation of electoral reforms that were
initiated with the first multiparty political
system in 1992. UNDP worked through the
Ministry of Territorial Administration and
Local Collectives (MATCL) to strengthen
credibility and rationale for the electoral
process following a crisis of confidence in
the 1997 elections.
UNDP assisted in building credibility around
the electoral process through 1)
strengthening the Independent National
Election Commission (CENI) and
concurrently 2) supporting the
decentralization process to invest local
councils with more authority and technical
capacity. As a result, dialogue between
national and local actors was initiated, the
electoral register was restored, and the
legal code to support dispute mechanisms
was revised. These multi-pronged technical
assistance efforts strengthened existing
electoral institutions and fostered civic
participation in decision making processes.
As revealed in a UNDP survey of public
perception on democracy immediately after
the election, an overwhelming majority of
Malians--90% of the respondents--voiced
confidence in the electoral process, even
through their knowledge on the issue was
reportedly limited.
2. Electoral assistance provides a key entry point for broader governance programming
Through electoral assistance, UNDP and
partner agencies are able to strengthen
relationships with local and national players
and effectively channel to the broader
governance agenda, including promotion of
human rights, gender-responsive
leadership, representative institution
building and judicial independence.
Synergies that are generated around a
specific electoral event can consolidate
democratic processes on a national scale.
Decentralization programmes in support of
a local election can foster civic participation
and build representative institutions,
functioning as a catalyst for democratic
governance. For example, organized
women’s networks at the community level
can serve as a powerful constituency to
leverage gender-responsive priorities on the
national agenda.
Targeted technical assistance to judicial or
legislative systems can also serve as a
conduit for broader democratic governance.
Support to legislative bodies, whether
through reforming parliament or introducing
quotas for women and other marginalized
groups, can impact broadly on civic
representation and the rule of law.6
Reforms to achieve a free and impartial
state media have also been initially
conceived and have gained broad support
within electoral assistance.
What to do?
Approach electoral institutions and
processes as part of the broader
democratic governance whole and as an
integral means of alleviating human
poverty, as opposed to support to an
event per se.
Explore opportunities to initiate
governance programming with broad
impact. Forge linkages between different
types of technical assistance, particularly
those that transcend the electoral period,
such as voter registration with the
creation of a permanent civil registry.
Foster dialogue between national and
local actors to share knowledge and build
relationships across governance themes.
Identify dynamic partnerships between
local associations and political institutions
that will serve as an entry-point to
influence the national agenda.
Consider targeted voter education to
elicit the active participation of vulnerable
and disenfranchised groups in the
political process. Identify suitable
participatory approaches for each
constituency to strengthen their own
political voice and bargaining power in a
way that does not compromise UNDP’s
impartiality or other national partnerships.
Promote broad and equal access to
information. Advocate for a free and
impartial state media through legislative
reforms for balanced coverage and/or
assistance to improve information
technology systems.
Take stock of specific campaign and
electoral outcomes with a view to
determine future governance
programming. Solicit public opinion on
the electoral process, identify areas of
convergence, and prioritize issues to
formulate multi-pronged governance
programming.
Example:
In Pakistan, UNDP collaborated with the
Ministry of Women and Development
(MOWD) with support from the Norwegian
Agency for Development Cooperation
(NORAD), to initiate the Women’s Political
Participation Project (W3P). Following a
newly introduced quota in 2001 that
reserved 33% of local government seats for
women, W3P was conceived as a two-year
capacity development initiative to support
this legislative reform.
Using a “mentoring and nurturing”
approach, women councilors were trained in
gender sensitivity, awareness raising,
advocacy, budgeting and executivelegislative
relations. As many as 21,000
women were trained by a pool of 200
mentors; they actively participated in council
deliberations, formulated a gender-sensitive
poverty reduction agenda, published a
community newsletter, and provided a
platform to further organize and expand this
informal political network. As a result, an
unprecedented 36,000 women were elected
to district, tehsil and union councils in the
2001 elections. By eliciting the participation
of women and prioritizing the role of gender
in politics, W3P effectively set the stage for
a transformative governance agenda.
Example:
Rwanda’s post-genocide nation-building
process has demonstrated important
advances for women’s leadership. The 2003
National Assembly elections was a historical
moment, with women comprising 49% of the
elected Assembly. According to the Inter-
Parliamentary Union (IPU), it represents the
closest any country has come to reaching
parity between men and women in
parliament, even surpassing Sweden.
Since 2000, IPU has directly supported the
reconstruction of governance systems—
focusing on the role of women in parliament.
IPU organized two broad-based seminars to
improve women’s access in the political
sphere. The first, in 2001, was focused on
building a gender-sensitive Rwandan
Constitution to ensure a fixed allocation of
seats for women in parliament. A second, in
2003, was held in partnership with UNDP to
directly support women compete as
candidates. Both initiatives, with a growing
commitment by women to participate in
politics, have helped secure the world’s
most gender-balanced parliament. This
transformed parliamentary structure carries
the potential to fundamentally alter the
country’s future development priorities.
3. Strategic partnerships and well coordinated resources are critical to sustain electoral reform
Multi-party elections are complex
undertakings that require capacity and
resources beyond the reach of some
developing countries. External technical and
financial assistance is often indispensable,
particularly for first time elections in
transitional countries. It is important to
strategically leverage domestic and
international partnerships to transfer and
build knowledge and capital.
Strategic partnerships are a quick and
efficient means to flexibly respond to
changing electoral environments.
Specialized competencies of different actors
can effectively complement each other
within a multi-pronged assistance.7 The
coordination between partners is crucial to
optimize resources, avoid duplication of
efforts and minimize potential conflict of
interest. Experience has shown that clearly
defined roles and responsibilities, with
mechanisms for regular information sharing,
are particularly important when coordinating
impartial observation missions with
institution-building technical assistance.
What to do?
Mobilize support and engage in dialogue
with a variety of specialized international
and domestic stakeholders—public
institutions, donor agencies, civil society
groups, religious institutions, private
investors and NGO’s. Identify areas of
convergence and define key priorities.
Build consensus on decisions regarding
the scope of technical assistance and
resource mobilization. Develop strong
relationships with local actors and
participate in meetings with members of
the national electoral body.
Determine the scope of national
resources that are committed to electoral
institutions. Identify national budget
expenditures and allocations to
strengthen electoral systems, and
mobilize donor support accordingly.
Identify financing mechanisms suitable to
manage donor resources. Based on the
required level of flexibility or autonomy
for the assistance, determine whether
cost-sharing or multi-donor trust funds
are appropriate.9 Make sure that costsharing
arrangements, when
implemented, are agreed upon in
advance of the assistance effort. This will
reduce overlap and ensure efficiency in
the long run.
Ensure that systems and processes are
in place to effectively take on the
challenges posed by managing and
coordinating large funds. Consultants can
help to provide specialized training or
meet temporary staffing needs.
Institute clear feedback and
communication channels between
different donor, national and local
partners. Assign a central oversight or
coordination body to ensure that efforts
are streamlined and not duplicated.
Ensure the transfer of knowledge and
skills between partners. Institute systems
to document, analyze and disseminate
information among stakeholders. Provide
targeted professional development and
capacity building through cascade
training approaches.
Coordinate local and international
observation missions to share knowledge
about ongoing electoral developments.
Where necessary, reinforce the
separation between technical assistance
and impartial observation missions.
Emphasize longer-term observation
groups that rely as far as possible on
national resident observers.
Example:
Electoral assistance to the 2001 General
Assembly Election in Fiji demonstrates how
effective coordination of knowledge, skills
and resources are crucial to the long-term
development of electoral systems. The
specialized competencies of national and
donor partners effectively complemented
each other: observer missions were
conducted by impartial UN Volunteers
(UNV), donor technical assistance was
targeted to upgrade information technology,
and broad-based civic education was
facilitated by national and local community
groups. UNDP and UNDPA/EAD acted as
lead coordinators to manage cost-sharing
funds among donors.
Streamlined administrative systems and
processes were established at the outset: a
central Coordination Center provided
ongoing technical, administrative and
advisory services; regular informational
sharing meetings between donor and
national stakeholders were held; and a
Media and National Elections Tally Center
was set up to systematically disseminate
information through an election website and
media outlets. As a result, statistics on
voter registration and ballots, updates on
political candidates, UNV observer
statements and insight on political
conditions, were readily accessible to each
partner in the assistance, contributing to the
overall efficacy of the election.
Example:
During the 2001 National elections in
Guyana, UNDP partnered with UK/DfID and
the EU on an innovative electoral
observation program, the Guyana Long
Term Observation Group (GLOG). It
comprised a core team of international
residents and Guyanese nationals who
conducted low-profile “flagless”
observations for 6 months prior to the
elections. Even though the election results
were disputed by the defeated party, GLOG
illustrates how effective partnerships
between donor and national actors is
instrumental to any electoral process.
GLOG was successful in 1) coordinating
efforts with other short term observer
missions and donor agencies, 2)
disseminating data and holding regular
consultations with the electoral commission,
3) building public confidence through its
widespread community and local presence,
and 4) realizing cost-saving by relying
primarily on resident representatives. The
ability to bridge comparative perspectives
within a joint observation mission reinforced
to donor agencies and the electoral
commission the value in developing wellcoordinated,
strategic partnerships.
4. Democracy building depends o inclusive, representative and transformative participation
The cornerstone of a vibrant democracy is
the active participation of its citizens—and
particularly those who are traditionally
denied access to decision-making
processes and political resources.
Democracy building calls for inclusive
access to rights, representative political
institutions, and transformative or changeoriented
civic participation.10
Civic education and access to information
are vital for the transfer and creation of
knowledge. Education raises public
awareness and encourages dialogue
around democracy, political rights and
responsibilities, and personal freedoms.
Beyond the acquisition of knowledge,
however, citizens also require the ability to
exercise their political rights. Regulations
and legal mechanisms to hold government
accountable are equally as important as
civic education for a healthy democracy.
Protections for individual and group rights
are necessary to build public confidence
and reliance in the rule of law. Experience
has shown that individual rights are best
protected by legal knowledge, alternative
dispute mechanisms and access to formal
justice systems; meanwhile, group rights
can be institutionalized through mobilizing
communities to demand legislative and
electoral law reform that will serve their
common interest.
What to do?
Elicit the active participation of
marginalized groups, including women,
ethnic minorities, youth, migrant workers
and refugees. Identify key constraints to
their political participation and prioritize
action steps. Ensure that voter
registration systems are inclusive of
disenfranchised communities and voting
stations accessible.
Integrate voter education/registration
with broad-based civic education efforts.
Voter or campaign related education is
important to inform citizens of the
mechanics and implications of voting, of
political choices and of platforms. Civic
education is oriented beyond the
electoral event to raise awareness on
political rights and responsibilities, and
gender, racial and religious equality.
Ensure that civic education begins in
advance of an election and is sustained
as part of an ongoing democratization
process. Institutionalize it through
“national champions” in key sectors.
Secure the endorsement and support of
government heads, ministries, public
agencies and broad-based NGO’s to
ensure that education campaigns are on
the national agenda.
Implement a parallel approach of civic
education to public officials and civil
society. Conduct relevant training-oftrainer
workshops for people in different
“leadership” positions (civil servants,
parliamentarians, the judiciary, the
military, police, teachers and religious
leaders). At the same time, ensure
broad-based and targeted civic and
legal education to civil society groups.
Ensure adequate means for electoral
dispute resolution and the enforcement
of individual and group rights. Election
adjudication bodies will best confer legal
rights when independent of the electoral
commission, either in the judiciary or as
an autonomous unit.
Example:
During the 2002 Kenyan presidential
election, UNDP coordinated the “Good
Governance for Poverty Reduction
Programme”, a multi-faceted voter
education and training initiative. The
activities were focused on 1) community
based voter education 2) training and
capacity building of staff in the Electoral
Commission, 3) monitoring “civic
preparedness”, and 4) observing pre and
post election environments with local and
national observers. All activities were
carried out in close partnership with the
Government of Kenya, the Electoral
Commission, and the Institute for Education
in Democracy (IED). Technical support from
UN Volunteers, Transparency International,
the Media Institute and local faith based
organizations reinforced the commitment to
open, democratic processes at every level.
The elections, considered the “freest and
fairest so far in the history of Kenya” with
low corruption, orderly conduct, observance
of the law and high voter turnout, was
ultimately successful because of a
readiness for change and commitment to
democracy by the entire Kenyan people.
Example:
The International Organization for Migration
(IOM) provided technical support in
organizing the 2000 Out-of-Kosovo voter
programme for municipal elections. In
partnership with UNHCR and the
International Center for Migration Policy
Development (ICMPD), IOM established a
Refugee Elections Steering Group to give
voice to over 1 million Albanians who were
forced from the province during the war.
Through a sophisticated information
campaign, including media outlets, club
networks and associations, the program
provided direct links to voters via a
telephone hotline and in-person polls. As a
result, over 90% of the estimated Kosovars
residing outside Kosovo participated in the
2000 local election. Building on this
inclusive and innovative voter registration
system, OSCE subsequently launched a
multi-lingual website for potential voters
around the world to register and vote by
mail for the 2002 Kosovo municipal
elections. As a result, over 80,000
individuals from 40 countries globally
exercised their political voice and submitted
voter applications.
5. Mobilizing public support for accountable and transparent political parties can create a competitive multiparty system
Essential to any multiparty electoral system
is the assurance of competitive political fora
that represent different constituencies,
interests and voices. Credible and strong
political parties are vital for democratic and
transparent political processes.11 They
stimulate electoral participation, prioritize
choices along different issues, aggregate
specific interests into broad coalitions, and
integrate citizens into the state and its
political process.
Political parties often lack favorable
conditions and incentives for accountable
and transparent participation. External
technical support can be important to “level
the playing field”. Assistance can include
advocacy around equal access to media
coverage or legislative reforms to ensure
equitable and transparent party financing.
Support to parties at the primary level can
be especially important to broaden
representation and invite new political
candidates. Support can also be oriented to
the internal operations of parties, in
fundraising, campaign planning, candidate
selection and training. When directed
strategically, and to the public at large,
these initiatives can ensure that parties
maintain real links to the community, draw
broad and diverse representation, are
accountable to their constituents and have
democratic internal structures.
What to do?
Demonstrate the benefits of transparent
and accountable multi-party processes
to political parties and the general
public. Engage with individual parties to
identify areas of support that will
advance leveled competition; raise
awareness and mobilize public demand
for representative political institutions.
Provide multi-partisan and equitable
support to strengthen the internal and
external democratic processes around
political parties. Assess the regulatory
environment and constitution of
individual parties to define the exact
scope of technical assistance.
Conform to domestic regulations on
party involvement, for example, on party
financing or the use of public funds in
elections. Engage with national and
local stakeholders to clearly define party
regulations and determine mechanisms
to level the playing field.
Clearly define the criteria for supporting
political parties and ensure the process
is public and transparent. If appropriate,
enhance party representation with
support to new candidates during
primary elections. Disseminate
information about technical support to
both new and established parties
through the media and other social and
political networks.
Engage civil society on anti-corruption
campaigns to foster transparent
institutions and hold public officials
accountable. Raise public awareness,
provide legal knowledge and mobilize
citizens to demand anti-corruption
measures in public institutions.
Ensure the process of delimiting
electoral boundaries is transparent and
independent of competing political
pressures. Make sure that an
independent electoral commission or
adjudication body maintains direct
oversight in setting boundaries.
Example:
The 2001 East Timor election process
illustrates how complementary approaches
may be used to strengthen political parties
and “level the playing field” towards a robust
multi party political system. At the
community level, UNIFEM provided targeted
training for women candidates to formalize
their participation in political processes.
With the Gender Affairs Unit (GAU) of the
East Timor Temporary Administration
(ETTA), UNIFEM conducted workshops to
train and support women contestants in the
2001 Consultative Party election. As a
result, 26% of the 90 elected members of
Parliament were women. Moreover, many
participants decided not to compete as
candidates and instead formed a Women’s
Political Caucus to continue to promote
women’s leadership in politics. Building on
this success, today UNIFEM is working with
the Office for the Promotion of Equality to
continue training potential women
candidates for village level elections.
On a national scale during the 2001
Election, UNDP worked in partnership with
SIDA to sponsor a Political Party Resource
Center to extend technical and logistical
support for political parties. Established in
different local districts, the Centers provided
access to computers, transportation,
campaign materials, and a media mediation
panel to hear complaints about election
coverage. Based on the UNDP project
report, all but one party, and all independent
candidates requested support from the
center. The success of newly formed parties
in the elections is attributed in part to the
Resource Centers, and to its role in
informing citizens of their political choices.
Example:
In the context of the 2003 National
Assembly Election in Cambodia, “Equity
News” was instrumental in ensuring free
and fair elections through balanced and
impartial campaign coverage on broadcast
media. It was also crucial in impacting more
broadly on the role and function of
Cambodian media. Initiated by UNDP and
the National Election Committee (NEC),
Equity News ensured equitable allocations
of broadcast time to political parties based
on a predetermined, publicly announced
formula.12 In support of the experiment,
UNDP provided technical assistance in
ongoing media monitoring, risk
management and content design.
This intervention successfully laid the
groundwork for journalistic advances in
Cambodia. The unconventional news
formats such as interviews, street footage,
live discussions and opinions from a range
of parties, promoted transparency and
raised public scrutiny of the political
process. The impact of Equity News went
well beyond its target priorities of supporting
competitive political parties. With an
orientation towards candid, hard-nosed
coverage, the quality of other non-campaign
media broadcast started to address
contentious subjects such as voter
intimidation and immigrant rights.
Example:
During the 2002 presidential elections in
Costa Rica, Transparency International (TI)
launched an anti-corruption programme to
independently monitor campaign finances
by tracking each candidate’s expenses and
contributions. Eight presidential candidates
were invited to sign an agreement to
regularly provide this information; not all
signed it initially, but because of mounting
public pressure, they each cooperated in
subsequent electoral rounds. The
programme revealed upfront that parties
undervalued and failed to declare their full
campaign expenses. Wide support from the
press and growing public awareness around
campaign financing demanded a higher
degree of transparency in public accounting.
The programme also exposed legal
loopholes in regulations governing party
finances. It set the stage for civil society
groups to reform party finance legislation
and to introduce legal sanctions that hold
public officials to account.
For references, please go to: http://aceproject.org/ero-en/topics/electoral-assistance/ElectoralAssistance.pdf/view?searchterm=
NOTES
1 As the 2002 Human Development Report states,
“Elections are the paradigm of enforceable
accountability…no form of accountability is more
direct, no form of participation is more egalitarian.
But it would be a mistake to equate democracy with
regular elections: democracy also requires
functioning institutions (p. 54).
2 UNDP characterizes “free and fair elections” by
universal suffrage, open registration, secure and
secret ballots, universal access to voting sites, the
independence of supervisory bodies, and freedom of
expression and association. UNDP and Governance,
Experiences and Lessons Learned, MDGD.
3 According to the 2003 Multi-Year Funding
Framework (MYFF), 42% of total programme
expenditures from 2000-2002 when to democratic
governance. This figure includes initiatives by
UNIFEM, UNV and other UNDP agencies.
4 For further guidance on the responsibilities for
delivering assistance, see Department of Political
Affairs of the UN Secretariat and the UNDP: Note of
Guidance on Electoral Assistance, 2001.
5 USAID: Managing Assistance in Support of
Political and Electoral Processes, 1999.
6 The May 2002 ESSENTIALS “Assisting
Legislatures” provides further discussion.
7 For example, civil society groups best target and
represent constituents, and the UN Volunteer
programme has a comparative advantage in
mobilizing impartial observers to validate elections.
8 According to the UNDP and UNDPA/EAD Note of
Guidance, the EAD takes a direct role in observation
that is “normally independent of any project support
to electoral process, systems or institutions.” UNDP
is the lead coordinator of international and domestic
observer missions, bringing valuable field presence
and country knowledge.
9 See UNDP Practice Note: Electoral Systems and
Processes, 2003m for further discussion on an
alternative, the Democratic Governance Thematic
Fund, in which earmarked donor funds are
maintained in a central facility.
10 UNIFEM: Review of Pacific Women in Politics,
1998-2001, provides a further discussion on the
inclusion of a transformative political agenda (p.6).
11 Based on USAID definition, a “political party” is
any entity that competes for elected office, whether a
political movement, party, electoral coalition or
alliance. USAID Political Party Assistance Policy,
September 2003.
12 The formula, set by the Ministry of Information
and the NEC, included the number of seats each party
held in parliament and the average votes they
received in the 1998 and 2002 elections. UNDP
“Equity News” (p.5).