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1987 vote of no confidence in the government of Felipe González
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Spanish parliamentary vote
Felipe González durante la moción de censura presentada por el presidente de Alianza Popular.jpg 300px Prime minister Felipe González (left) and deputy prime minister Alfonso Guerra (right) in their seats during the debate on the motion of no confidence on 26 March 1987 26–30 March 1987 (1987 3 26 1987 3 30) Congress of Deputies, Spain Motion of no confidence The social conflict throughout the 1986–87 winter and the election of Antonio Hernández Mancha as new People's Alliance (AP) leader PSOE
AP
PDP
CiU
CDS
PL
IU
PNV
EE
RD
PD
CG
PAR
AIC
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Independents Motion rejected
A motion of no confidence in the Spanish government of Felipe González was debated and voted in the Congress of Deputies between 26 and 30 March 1987. It was brought by People's Alliance (AP) leader Antonio Hernández Mancha, motivated on the "deteriorating situation of the country" as a result of the social conflict sparked throughout the 1986–87 winter between the governing Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and its erstwhile allied Workers' General Union (UGT), which had grown increasingly critical of González's economic policies.Brunet José María 24 March 1987 http://hemeroteca.lavanguardia.com/preview/1987/03/24/pagina-3/32978935/pdf.html El presidente González minimiza la moción de censura que ayer le presentó Alianza Popular es La Vanguardia Madrid 2 August 2020 However, its true motives were attributed to Mancha's need for public promotion as both AP and opposition leader after his recent election to the post, as well as to his party's perceived urge to vindicate its primacy within the centre-right political spectrum in Spain amid the internal crisis that had been beleaguering it in the previous months.EFE 25 May 2011 https://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2011/05/24/espana/1306235420.html Así fueron las cuestiones de confianza y mociones de censura de la Democracia es El Mundo Madrid 29 July 2020Martínez Concejo Ana 13 June 2017 https://cadenaser.com/ser/2017/06/07/politica/1496853917_172261.html Las otras mociones de censura de la democracia española es Cadena SER Madrid 29 July 2020
The motion was soundly defeated by the absolute majority held by the PSOE in the Congress. It only secured the votes of two parties, AP and Valencian Union (UV), with the other 15 parties either voting against or abstaining and many deputies not attending the vote at all.Pelayo Francisco 29 July 2020 https://www.20minutos.es/noticia/4338756/0/cuantas-mociones-de-censura-ha-habido-en-la-democracia-espanola-contra-el-gobierno-solo-una-ha-tenido-exito/ ¿Cuántas mociones de censura ha habido en la democracia española contra el Gobierno? Solo una ha tenido éxito es 20 minutos 29 July 2020 Having been unable to secure any significant support outside of his group, harshly criticized by other opposition parties and seeing some notorious gaffes during his speech, political commentators promptly came to regard the motion as a huge political blow for Hernández Mancha's career,García de Blas Elsa 19 May 2017 Iglesias admite los "enormes riesgos" de presentar una moción que no va a prosperar http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2017/05/19/actualidad/1495183615_321253.html es El País Madrid 20 May 2017Rubio Angélica 30 May 2018 La cuarta moción de censura de la Democracia y las tres anteriores fracasaron https://www.elplural.com/politica/la-cuarta-mocion-de-censura-de-la-democracia-y-las-tres-anteriores-fracasaron_128964102 es El Plural 29 July 2020 who ultimately ended up retiring from politics in 1989.
Background
The conservative People's Coalition had broken up following disappointing results in the 1986 Spanish general election: first with the departure of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) from the coalition's parliamentary groups in July 1986,González Ibañez Juan 22 July 1986 https://elpais.com/diario/1986/07/22/espana/522367215_850215.html Alianza Popular anuncia la ruptura de los pactos políticos y electorales con el PDP de Óscar Alzaga es El País Madrid 29 July 2020 then with the Liberal Party (PL) following suit in January 1987.González Ibañez Juan Jáuregui Fernando 13 January 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/01/13/espana/537490812_850215.html Los 19 parlamentarios liberales deciden pasar al Grupo Mixto es El País Madrid 2 August 202018 January 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/01/18/espana/537922812_850215.html Los parlamentarios del Partido Liberal pedirán mañana su paso al Grupo Mixto es El País Madrid 29 July 2020 Dissensions within the People's Alliance (AP) had also seen the splitting of Jorge Verstrynge and Carlos Manglano in October to form the Democratic Renewal party (RD), and of Gabriel Camuñas and Carlos Ruiz Soto into the Democratic Party (PD) in December.21 December 1986 Camuñas, Olarra y Ruiz Soto crean el Partido Demócrata https://elpais.com/diario/1986/12/21/espana/535503613_850215.html es El País Madrid 1 August 2020Jáuregui Fernando 6 January 1987 Dos concepciones para lanzar la 'operación UCD' https://elpais.com/diario/1987/01/06/espana/536886015_850215.html es El País Madrid 31 July 2020Lozano Carles https://www.historiaelectoral.com/e1986p.html Cambios de grupo parlamentario 1986-1989 es Historia Electoral.com 25 August 2025
Concurrently, following the electoral defeat in the Basque regional election held in November that same year, Manuel Fraga resigned as AP leader on 1 December, being replaced by Antonio Hernández Mancha—until then the leader of the party in Andalusia—on 7 February.Jáuregui Fernando 8 February 1987 Hernández Mancha venció por holgada mayoría a Herrero en el congreso extraordinario de AP https://elpais.com/diario/1987/02/08/espana/539737205_850215.html es El País Madrid 1 April 2018 However, by the time of Mancha's election, his party's parliamentary group in the Congress of Deputies had been reduced to 67 members out of the 105 that the People's Coalition had secured in the 1986 election.Lamata Juan Francisco 30 May 2018 Archivo Bumerán: La moción de Mancha y la pifia de Santa Teresa de Jesús https://www.cope.es/archivo-bumeran/noticias/archivo-bumeran-mocion-mancha-2-4-pifia-santa-teresa-jesus-20180530_220885 es COPE 29 July 2020 Additionally, Hernandez Mancha was not a deputy but a senator, which meant that he was unable to engage Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez directly during debates, limiting this ability to reach out to the general public as leader of the opposition.Díez Anabel Valdecantos Camilo 24 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/24/espana/543538806_850215.html Hernández Mancha presenta una moción de censura para lograr el 'cuerpo a cuerpo' con Felipe González es El País Madrid 29 July 202024 April 2016 Antonio Hernández Mancha, la prehistoria del PP https://www.elperiodico.com/es/politica/20160424/antonio-hernandez-mancha-alianza-popular-prehistoria-partido-popular-5081751 es El Periódico de Catalunya 29 July 2020
Finally, Fraga's resignation had prompted former prime minister Adolfo Suárez and his Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) party to attempt an electoral expansion at the expense of AP in the upcoming 1987 local, regional and European Parliament elections, ultimately envisaging the former overcoming the latter as the main opposition party in Spain.
Legal provisions
The Spanish Constitution of 1978 required for motions of no confidence to be proposed by at least one-tenth of the Congress of Deputies—35 out of 350. Following the German model, votes of no confidence in Spain were constructive, so the motion was required to include an alternative candidate for prime minister.Vírgala Foruria Eduardo 1 April 1988 La moción de censura de marzo de 1987: segunda práctica aplicativa del artículo 113 de la Constitución https://revista.cortesgenerales.es/rcg/article/view/324/1148 es Revista de las Cortes Generales 13 159–177 0213-0130 10.33426/rcg/1988/13/324 30 July 2020 free Torres Muro Ignacio 9 October 2017 La moción de censura constructiva. Una respuesta alemana, y española, a la inestabilidad gubernamental https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/FORO/article/view/57537 es Foro: Revista de ciencias jurídicas y sociales, Nueva época 20 1 279–292 1698-5583 10.5209/FORO.57537 30 July 2020 free For a motion of no confidence to be successful, it had to be passed by an absolute majority in the Congress of Deputies. A minimum period of five days from the motion's registration (dubbed as "cooling period") was required to pass before it could come up for a vote, but no maximum was established. Other parties were entitled to submit alternative motions within the first two days from the registration.Santaolalla López Fernando Galindo Elola-Olaso Fernando Miranda Luis Manuel 2018 https://app.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/sinopsis/sinopsis.jsp?art=113&tipo=2 Constitución española, Sinopsis artículo 113 Congress of Deputies es 31 July 202024 March 1987 Un arma parlamentaria que precisa de mayoría absoluta https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/24/espana/543538808_850215.html es El País Madrid 29 July 2020
1. The Congress of Deputies may challenge Government policy by passing a motion of censure by an absolute majority of its members.2. The motion of censure must be proposed by at least one tenth of the Deputies, including a candidate for the office of President of the Government.3. The motion of censure may not be voted on until five days after it has been submitted. During the first two days of this period, alternative motions may be submitted.4. If the motion of censure is not passed by the Congress, its signatories may not submit another during the same session. Article 113 of the Spanish Constitutionhttps://www.boe.es/buscar/pdf/1978/BOE-A-1978-40001-consolidado.pdf The Spanish Constitution Official State Gazette 18 December 2025
Concurrently, the Prime Minister was barred from dissolving the Cortes Generales and calling a general election while a motion of no confidence was pending. If the motion was successful, the incumbent prime minister and their government were required to submit their resignation to the Monarch, while the candidate proposed in the motion was automatically considered to have the confidence of the Congress of Deputies and immediately appointed as prime minister. If unsuccessful, the signatories of the motion were barred from submitting another during the same session.
The procedure for motions of no confidence was regulated within Articles 175 to 179 of the Standing Orders of the Congress of Deputies, which provided for the debate on the motion starting with its defence by one of the signatory members without any time limitations, to be followed by an also time-unlimited speech by the nominated candidate to explain their political programme. Subsequently, spokespeople from the different parliamentary groups in Congress were allowed to speak for thirty minutes, with an opportunity to reply or rectify themselves for ten minutes. Members of the government were allowed to take the floor and speak at any time of their request during the debate.https://www.congreso.es/webpublica/ficherosportal/standing_orders_02.pdf Standing Orders of the Congress of Deputies Congress of Deputies 11 June 2022
The motion
Registration
150
The clash between UGT secretary-general and Congress deputy Nicolás Redondo (left) and Economy minister Carlos Solchaga (right) over the issue of salary hikes in a televised debate on 19 February 1987 evidenced the widening gap between the PSOE government and trade unions.20 February 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/02/20/economia/540774003_850215.html El enfrentamiento entre Redondo y Solchaga dominó el debate sobre concertación es El País Madrid 9 January 2022 Redondo would end up vacating his seat in October that year.
(Nicolás Redondo) Felipe González recibe a una representación de la comisión ejecutiva de UGT presidida por su secretario general y el diputado socialista Manuel Chaves. Pool Moncloa. 4 de enero de 1983 (cropped).jpeg
(Carlos Solchaga) Rosa Conde en la rueda de prensa posterior al Consejo de Ministros junto al ministro de Economía y Hacienda. Pool Moncloa. 7 de junio de 1991 (cropped).jpeg
The motion was officially tabled on 23 March 1987 by fifty-one AP deputies, with Hernández Mancha as the proposed candidate. The text of the motion justified it in the following six motives:
"poor functioning of state services";
"ineffective economic management";
"ineffectiveness and inadequacy of the Central Administration";
"erratic foreign and defense policy";
"hegemonic and interventionist attitude of the State"; and
"absence of proper channels for dialogue with social movements".
More specifically, the latter was attributed to the ongoing social conflict between González's government and trade unions—including the historically PSOE-aligned Workers' General Union (UGT)—since the end of 1986 and into the spring of 1987, over growing criticism of González's economic policies.Brunet José María 24 March 1987 http://hemeroteca.lavanguardia.com/preview/1987/03/24/pagina-14/32978946/pdf.html Mancha provoca el enfrentamiento con González es La Vanguardia Madrid 2 August 2020
The initiative was criticized by several parties, including the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), because of the motion's mathematical impossibility of succeeding as a result of the latter commanding an eight-seat absolute majority in the Congress of Deputies (counting the five deputies from Herri Batasuna who refused to take their seats), while also being dubbed as an opportunistic exercise of political self-promotion because of the close proximity of the 1987 local and regional elections.González Ibañez Juan 24 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/24/espana/543538807_850215.html El presidente del Ejecutivo acoge con escasa sorpresa la iniciativa de AP es El País Madrid 29 July 2020
Schedule
The debate's schedule was set for 26–27 March, whereas the vote itself was not expected to take place until after the weekend, on 30 March, in order to respect the five-day timetable set down by the Constitution. This was the first and—to date—only time that the vote on a motion of no confidence in Spain would not be held immediately after the debate.
AP's spokesperson in Congress Juan Ramón Calero had advocated for the debate to be postponed to next week so as not to interrupt the "unity of act" between the debate and the vote, but the government pushed through its own schedule thanks to its parliamentary majority. This led Calero to claim that this had been done "so as to cast off the feeling of censorship that our initiative implies", but he reluctantly accepted it so as to not give the impression that Hernández Mancha needed more time for preparation.Díez Anabel Valdecantos Camilo 25 March 1987 Gobierno y PSOE consideran que la moción de censura servirá a González para demostrar que no está acosado https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/25/espana/543625209_850215.html es El País Madrid 29 July 2020 The CDS, the PDP, United Left (IU) and the Regionalist Aragonese Party (PAR) supported the view that the debate and the vote should respect the unity of act of the parliamentary meeting, whereas Convergence and Union (CiU) had been favourable to the debate being held as early as possible, with the latter stance being the one that prevailed.
Debate and vote
In his defense of the motion previous to Mancha's speech as candidate on 26 March, Calero argued on its motives that when the governing party commanded an absolute majority in the chamber, the motion of no confidence fulfilled a subsidiary control purpose, which was the main reason behind his group's proposal. After laying out his programme, Hernández Mancha was received with widespread criticism from other parties: those in opposition condemned AP's attitude of not having reached out to them previously to ask for their support to the motion, whereas González's government remained mostly silent in the first day of debate—except for the formal reply to the speeches by Calero and Mancha, which was borne to deputy prime minister Alfonso Guerra—allegedly "out of respect for the other spokespeople", but in reality because of considering that the one being examined was Hernández Mancha and not the prime minister.27 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/27/espana/543798008_850215.html Antonio Hernández Mancha fue descalificado por la oposición sin necesidad de que interviniera el Gobierno es El País Madrid 31 July 202027 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/27/espana/543798010_850215.html González asegura que no intervino por respeto a los otros portavoces es El País Madrid 31 July 2020 In his reply, Guerra mocked Mancha by dubbing his speech as "the discourse of the old, reactionary right, clothed in populism".Agencias 27 March 1987 http://hemeroteca.lavanguardia.com/preview/1987/03/27/pagina-15/32980079/pdf.html Guerra desautoriza los argumentos de AP para una moción de censura presentada destiempo es La Vanguardia Madrid 2 August 2020
In the second day of debate, Felipe González took the floor to disapprove of Mancha's performance and criticize his alleged contradictions, the "lack of consistency" of his programme and "the insufficient information" that he had collected on the issues addressed in his speeches.González Ibañez Juan Valdecantos Camilo 28 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/28/espana/543884414_850215.html Hernández Mancha logró el 'cuerpo a cuerpo' con González, quien le acusó de incoherencia e ignorancia es El País Madrid 31 July 2020 The replies from AP's leader were notorious because of a number of gaffes: a first one in which he erroneously claimed that then-foreign minister Francisco Fernández Ordóñez had been a cabinet member under Adolfo Suárez during the censure motion of May 1980—Fernández Ordóñez had not been appointed to the cabinet until September that year—and another one when he mistakenly attributed to Saint Teresa of Jesus a quote from Lope de Vega when addressing the CDS parliamentary group and Suárez himself, which forced the latter—who had initially rejected to participate in the debateGonzález Ibañez Juan 26 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/26/espana/543711617_850215.html Suárez renuncia a intervenir en el debate entre el líder de AP y Felipe González es El País Madrid 31 July 2020—to take the floor himself to refute it, as well as to reject the alleged political motivation of the motion.28 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/28/espana/543884403_850215.html El líder de AP obligó a Suárez con un verso a subir a la tribuna es El País Madrid 31 July 2020Unzueta Patxo 28 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/28/espana/543884402_850215.html Los deslices de sus señorías es El País 31 July 2020
Motion of no confidenceCongress of DeputiesNomination of Antonio Hernández Mancha (AP) Ballot → 30 March 1987 Required majority → 176 out of 350 15 Yes • AP (66) • UV (1) 67 350 green 125px No • PSOE (181) • IU (6) • PNV (4) • EE (2) • AIC (1) 194 350 red 125px Abstentions • PDP (20) • CiU (19) • CDS (16) • PL (9) • RD (2) • PD (2) • PAR (1) • CG (1) • Independent (1) 71 350 gray 125px Absentees • HB (5) • CDS (4) • PSOE (3) • EA (2) • AP (1) • PDP (1) • PL (1) • IU (1) 18 350 black 125px SourcesLozano Carles https://www.historiaelectoral.com/congresovota.html Congreso de los Diputados: Votaciones más importantes es Historia Electoral.com 25 August 2025Lozano Carles https://www.historiaelectoral.com/inv.html Presidentes del Gobierno: Votaciones de investidura, mociones de confianza, mociones de censura, aprobación de la Constitución es Historia Electoral.com 25 August 2025The Journal of Sessions of the Congress incorrectly summarizes the motion's results as 66 support votes, 195 against and 71 abstentions, a count which was replicated by several media outlets at the time. However, the more accurate manual count of the deputies' choices gives a 67–194–71 result instead.
The motion was defeated by an overwhelming margin, with just 67 votes in favour—those of AP and Valencian Union (UV)—194 against and 71 abstentions, with 18 absentees (including the 5 members of Herri Batasuna who had not taken their seats).Díez Anabel 31 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/31/espana/544140014_850215.html Hernández Mancha no descarta que AP presente una moción de censura cada periodo de sesiones es El País 31 July 202030 March 1987 Sesión Plenaria núm. 39, celebrada el lunes, 30 de marzo de 1987 http://www.congreso.es/public_oficiales/L3/CONG/DS/PL/PL_040.PDF Diario de Sesiones del Congreso de Diputados 40 2323–2327 es 31 July 2020 Several of the opposition parties were in disagreement with the government's policy and González's management of the country, but their level of dissatisfaction was not such so as to openly support Mancha's investiture as alternative prime minister, prompting many of these parties to abstain instead. The supportive stance of UV's only member in Congress also led to discomfort setting among the more moderate and centrist sectors within the party, which had unsuccessfully advocated for an abstention in the vote.Villena Miguel Ángel 1 April 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/04/01/espana/544226421_850215.html Malestar en Unión Valenciana por el apoyo a la moción de censura es El País Valencia 31 July 2020 The refusal of the PDP and PL to support the motion—the latter of which had taken the decision that same day, on the grounds that it had been tabled untimely and unilaterally—prompted AP to break up all relations with these two parties in the short term.Brunet José María 31 March 1987 http://hemeroteca.lavanguardia.com/preview/1987/03/31/pagina-3/32990839/pdf.html Hernández Mancha y AP, tal y como se esperaba, se quedan solos ante el Gobierno es La Vanguardia Madrid 2 August 2020Brunet José María 31 March 1987 http://hemeroteca.lavanguardia.com/preview/1987/03/31/pagina-14/32990850/pdf.html AP da por dinamitados los puentes con el PDP y el PL es La Vanguardia Madrid 2 August 2020
Opinion polls
Opinion polling conducted in the days during and after the events of the vote of no confidence showed a large opposition to the motion, though the Diario 16 poll recorded 70.4% of AP voters in favour of it. Shown in reverse chronological order, with the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication (except in cases where the fieldwork dates are unknown):
+ Opinion on the motion of no confidence Polling firm/Commissioner Fieldwork date Sample size Support Reject Neither Notes CIS2 April 1987 Estudio C.I.S. nº 1.618. "Debate de la moción de censura" (Abril 1987) https://www.cis.es/documents/d/cis/Es1618mar_spdf es CIS 15 March 2025 1–2 Apr 1987 2,505 22.0 44.0 34.0 Question asked was "As you may know, a motion of no confidence has been discussed in Congress in recent days. Do you generally agree or disagree with this motion, in which the People's Alliance proposed the removal of Felipe González as prime minister and his replacement by Antonio Hernández Mancha?" 22% said that they "generally agreed", 44% that they "generally disagreed", 31% did not know and 3% did not answer. Diario 16 29 Mar 1987? 25.5 50.5 24.0 Question asked was on whether the motion's tabling was considered as appropriate. 25.5% said "yes" and 50.5% "no". Demoscopia/El País29 March 1987 La moción de censura no despertó interés entre los españoles https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/29/portada/543970801_850215.html es El País 15 March 202529 March 1987 Felipe González y Hernández Mancha comparten el grado de atención en la moción de censura https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/29/espana/543970808_850215.html es El País Madrid 15 March 202529 March 1987 Ficha técnica https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/29/espana/543970802_850215.html es El País 15 March 2025 28 Mar 1987 2,000 26.0 34.0 40.0 Question asked was "Do you think the People's Alliance has done well or poorly by tabling this motion of no confidence against the government?" 34% said that AP did "poorly" and 26% that it did "well".
Aftermath
Antonio Hernández Mancha regarded the motion and the vote as a success in "consolidating [AP] as the sole alternative of government",Díez Anabel 28 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/28/espana/543884410_850215.html Hernández Mancha: "Cuando he salido del Congreso, la gente me ha hecho palmas" es El País 31 July 2020Díez Anabel 31 March 1987 https://elpais.com/diario/1987/03/31/espana/544140015_850215.html El candidato no quiere una saeta es El País 31 July 2020 not ruling out the proposal of future, similar motions. However, the motion's opportunity, Mancha's lackluster performance in the debate and his oversized defeat—including the refusal from AP's erstwhile allies (PDP and PL) or that of its split members (RD and PD) to back him—would go down in history as a massive political blunder that, ultimately, would cost him his political career.Garea Fernando 12 June 2017 https://elpais.com/politica/2017/06/10/actualidad/1497104301_334496.html Tercera moción de censura imposible es El País Madrid 31 July 2020De la Riva Elena 31 May 2018 https://www.heraldo.es/noticias/nacional/2018/05/31/la-primera-mocion-de-censura-de-la-democracia-espanola-cumple-38-anos-453548.html La primera moción de censura de la democracia española cumple 38 años es Heraldo de Aragón 31 July 2020
A number of factors were said to contribute to Hernández Mancha's failing to secure any political gain from the debate. Firstly, that he was a newcomer to national politics—having been appointed as AP leader barely two months earlier—coupled with the fact that the ruling PSOE rushed the debate on the motion to the earliest possible date allowed under law, which meant that Mancha had little time to prepare himself against the well-experienced Felipe González and Alfonso Guerra.Valenzuela Curri 31 May 2017 https://www.abc.es/espana/abci-ridiculo-como-mancha-201705310218_noticia.html Tan ridículo como Mancha es ABC 31 July 2020 Secondly, the prime minister's choice not to intervene until the second day of debating further weakened Mancha's ability to stage the parliamentary duel he sought, with his speech being mostly panned by the spokespeople of other minor parties.Brunet José María 27 March 1987 http://hemeroteca.lavanguardia.com/preview/1987/03/27/pagina-3/32980067/pdf.html El silencio de González desarma un novel Mancha es La Vanguardia Madrid 2 August 2020 From that point, movements were set in motion within his party to replace him as leader, ultimately seeing Manuel Fraga forcing him out of politics in January 1989 and prompting the refoundation of AP—together with the PDP and PL—into the People's Party (PP) that same month.Julve Rafa 13 June 2017 Así contó la prensa las mociones de censura a Adolfo Suárez y Felipe González https://www.elperiodico.com/es/politica/20170613/portadas-diarios-mocion-censura-suarez-gonzalez-6071761 es El Periódico de Catalunya 1 August 2020B. García Luis 27 April 2017 https://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20170427/422087329034/mocion-de-censura-podemos-tercera-democracia-sin-exito.html La tercera moción de censura en democracia que tampoco tendrá éxito es La Vanguardia 2 August 2020Blay Juan Antonio 12 June 2017 https://www.publico.es/politica/jaque-presidente-mociones-censura-giros.html Otras mociones de censura sin visos de prosperar que cambiaron el rumbo de la política en España es Público Madrid 31 July 2020
A different interpretation of the motion's consequences was that it was partly successful in allowing AP to recover the political initiative ahead of the June 1987 local and regional elections, where the party held out as the main opposition force in Spain despite the electoral growth of the CDS. Later on, Hernández Mancha would reveal that he had not tabled the motion against González, but against Suárez, weary that the right-wing electorate could succumb to tactical voting in favour of the latter—much more widely known and popular than himself—as a result of the political vacuum left by Fraga's resignation.Hernández Mancha Antonio 17 June 2017 https://www.abc.es/espana/abci-dedo-fraga-y-mocion-censura-201706171241_noticia.html El "dedo" de Fraga y la moción de censura es ABC 2 August 2020
In any case, the 1987 motion has come to go down in the recent history of Spain, in contraposition to the 1980 one, as the exemplification of the political risks than an ill-fated vote of no confidence can entail for the candidate tabling it.Mohorte 27 April 2017 https://magnet.xataka.com/en-diez-minutos/para-que-sirve-una-mocion-de-censura-del-auge-de-felipe-gonzalez-a-la-caida-de-hernandez-mancha Para qué sirve una moción de censura: del auge de Felipe González a la caída de Hernández Mancha es Magnet 2 August 2020
Notes
References
Category:March 1987 in Spain
Category:Votes of no confidence in Spain