1960 Belgian Congo general election

Election in Belgian colony Belgian Congo parliamentary 1965 Democratic Republic of the Congo general election 1965 3,390,940 All 137 seats in the National Assembly 69 81.79% 22 May 1960 130x130px Anefo 910-9740 De Congolese2.jpg Patrice Lumumba MNC-Lumumba 33 521,187 23.44% Gizenga, 1961.jpg Antoine Gizenga PSA 13 278,971 12.54% Joseph Kasa-Vubu at the Belgo-Congolese Round Table Conference.jpg Joseph Kasa-Vubu ABAKO 12 210,542 9.47% 350px Chamber of Deputies results by party/coalition by province 350px Provincial Assembly results by party/coalition 350px Senate results by party/coalition Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba MNC-Lumumba General elections were held in the Belgian Congo on 22 May 1960, in order to create a government to rule the country following independence as the Republic of the Congo (Congo-Léopoldville), scheduled for 30 June. The 137-seat Chamber of Deputies was elected by men over the age of 21. The seats were filled by district-based lists,DRC: 1960 National Assembly results EISA although only two parties, the Mouvement National Congolais-Lumumba (MNC-L) and the Parti National du Progrès, submitted lists in more than one district. The MNC-L, led by Patrice Lumumba, won the most seats and Lumumba was confirmed as prime minister by Parliament after forming a coalition that included the Parti Solidaire Africain, Centre de Regroupment Africain and other parties.http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,940576,00.html https://web.archive.org/web/20101008070523/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,940576,00.html dead October 8, 2010 BELGIAN CONGO: Nightmare 1960-06-13 Time 2017-10-28 en-US 0040-781X Voter turnout was 82%.Dieter Nohlen, Michael Krennerich & Bernhard Thibaut (1999) Elections in Africa: A data handbook, p291 0-19-829645-2 Following the election, an 84-seat Senate was elected by Provincial Assembly members, and the two chambers elected Joseph Kasa-Vubu of ABAKO as president after some days of turmoil.http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,827670,00.html https://web.archive.org/web/20101008065542/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,827670,00.html dead October 8, 2010 BELGIAN CONGO: A Blight at Birth 1960-06-27 Time 2017-10-28 en-US 0040-781X Background Belgian rule of the Congo thumb|Map of Africa with the Democratic Republic of the Congo's modern borders|left Colonial rule in the Congo began in the late 19th century. King Leopold II of Belgium, frustrated by Belgium's lack of international power and prestige, attempted to persuade the Belgian government to support colonial expansion around the largely unexplored Congo Basin. The Belgian government's ambivalence about the idea led Leopold to eventually create a state on his own account, achieving international recognition for the Congo Free State in 1885.Gibbs 1991 39–42 By the turn of the century, however, the violence of Free State officials against indigenous Congolese and the ruthless system of economic extraction had led to intense diplomatic pressure on Belgium to take official control of the country, which it did in 1908, creating the Belgian Congo.Gibbs 1991 46–49 The colony was divided into six provinces: Léopoldville, Équateur, Orientale, Kivu, Kasaï, and Katanga.Epstein 1965 175 The city of Léopoldville was designated as the capital in 1923.Gibbs 1991 51 Belgian rule in the Congo was based around the "colonial trinity" (trinité coloniale) of state, missionary and private company interests. The privileging of Belgian commercial interests meant that capital sometimes flowed back into the Congo and that individual regions became specialised.Turner 2007 28 The country was split into nesting, hierarchically organised administrative subdivisions, and run uniformly according to a set "native policy" (politique indigène).Turner 2007 29 As early as the 1920s, the Congo possessed one of the densest colonial regimes in Africa. The administration was heavily involved in the life of the Congolese; Belgian functionaries (government civil servants) closely monitored and enforced agricultural production, provided medical services to many residents, and frequently toured even the most rural territories to oversee their subjects.Young 1965 10–13 There was also a high degree of racial segregation between the native and white populations, the latter of which grew considerably after the end of World War II due to immigration from Europe.Turner 2007 29 Rise in Congolese political activity Belgian Congo in World War II During the latter stages of World War II a new social stratum emerged in the Congo, known as the évolués. Forming an African middle class in the colony, they held skilled positions (such as clerks and nurses) made available by the economic boom. While there were no universal criteria for determining évolué status, it was generally accepted that one would have "a good knowledge of French, adhere to Christianity, and have some form of post-primary education."Gibbs 1991 70 Early on in their history, most évolués sought to use their unique status to earn special privileges in the Congo.Willame 1972 24 Since opportunities for upward mobility through the colonial structure were limited, the évolué class institutionally manifested itself in elite clubs through which they could enjoy trivial privileges that made them feel distinct from the Congolese "masses".Willame 1972 25 Additional groups, such as labour unions, alumni associations, and ethnic syndicates, provided other Congolese the means of organisation.Young 1965 291 Among the most important of these was the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), representing the Kongo people of the Lower Congo.Hoskyns 1965 22 However, they were restricted in their actions by the administration. While white settlers were consulted in the appointment of certain officials, the Congolese had no means of expressing their beliefs through the governing structures.Young 1965 29 Though native chiefs held legal authority in some jurisdictions, in practice they were used by the administration to further its own policies.Gibbs 1991 51 Up into the 1950s most évolués were concerned only with social inequalities and their treatment by the Belgians. Questions of self-government were not considered until 1954, when ABAKO requested that the administration consider a list of suggested candidates for a Léopoldville municipal post.Young 1965 274–275 That year the association was taken over by Joseph Kasa-Vubu, and under his leadership it became increasingly hostile to the colonial authority and sought autonomy for the Kongo regions in the Lower Congo.Hoskyns 1965 22–23 In 1956 a group of Congolese intellectuals under the tutelage of several European academics issued a manifesto calling for a transition to independence over the course of 30 years. The ABAKO quickly responded with a demand for "immediate independence".Young 1965 276 The Belgian government was not prepared to grant the Congo independence and even when it started realising the necessity of a plan for decolonisation in 1957, it was assumed that such a process would be solidly controlled by Belgium.Young 1965 36–37 In December 1957 the colonial administration instituted reforms that permitted municipal elections and the formation of political parties. Some Belgian parties attempted to establish branches in the colony, but these were largely ignored by the population in favour of Congolese-initiated groups.Young 1965 296–297 Nationalism fermented in 1958 as more évolués began interacting with others outside of their own locales and started discussing the future structures of a post-colonial Congolese state.Young 1965 277 Nevertheless, most political mobilisation occurred along tribal and regional divisions.Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002 84 In Katanga, various tribal groups came together to form the Confédération des associations tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT) under the leadership of Godefroid Munongo and Moïse Tshombe. Hostile to immigrant peoples, it advocated provincial autonomy and close ties with Belgium. Most of its support was rooted in individual chiefs, businessmen, and European settlers of southern Katanga.Hoskyns 1965 25–27 It was opposed by Jason Sendwe's Association Générale des Baluba du Katanga (BALUBAKAT).Lemarchand 1964 241 thumb|Patrice Lumumba, founding member and leader of the MNC In October 1958 a group of Léopoldville évolués including Patrice Lumumba, Cyrille Adoula and Joseph Iléo established the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC). Diverse in membership, the party sought to peacefully achieve Congolese independence, promote the political education of the populace, and eliminate regionalism.Hoskyns 1965 27 The MNC drew most of its membership from the residents of the eastern city of Stanleyville, where Lumumba was well known, and from the population of the Kasai Province, where efforts were directed by a Muluba businessman, Albert Kalonji.Hoskyns 1965 29 Belgian officials appreciated its moderate and anti-separatist stance and allowed Lumumba to attend the All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, Ghana, in December 1958 (Kasa-Vubu was informed that the documents necessary for his travel to the event were not in order and was not permitted to goHoskyns 1965 23). Lumumba was deeply impressed by the Pan-Africanist ideals of Ghanaian president Kwame Nkrumah and returned to the Congo with a more radical party programme.Hoskyns 1965 28 He reported on his trip during a widely attended rally in Léopoldville and demanded the country's "genuine" independence.Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002 84 Fearing that they were being overshadowed by Lumumba and the MNC, Kasa-Vubu and the ABAKO leadership announced that they would be hosting their own rally in the capital on 4 January 1959.Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002 84 The municipal government (under Belgian domination) was given short notice, and communicated that only a "private meeting" would be authorised. On the scheduled day of the rally the ABAKO leadership told the crowd that had gathered that the event was postponed and that they should disperse. The mass was infuriated and instead began hurling stones at the police and pillaging European property, initiating three days of violent and destructive riots.Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002 85 The Force Publique, the colonial army, was called into service and suppressed the revolt with considerable brutality.Hoskyns 1965 10 In wake of the riots Kasa-Vubu and his lieutenants were arrested. Unlike earlier expressions of discontent, the grievances were conveyed primarily by uneducated urban residents, not évolués.Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002 86 Popular opinion in Belgium was one of extreme shock and surprise. An investigative commission found the riots to be the culmination of racial discrimination, overcrowding, unemployment, and wishes for more political self-determination. On 13 January the administration announced several reforms, and the Belgian King, Baudouin, declared that independence would be granted to the Congo in the future.Hoskyns 1965 10 Meanwhile, discontent surfaced among the MNC leadership, who were bothered by Lumumba's domination over the party's politics. Relations between Lumumba and Kalonji also grew tense, as the former was upset with how the latter was transforming the Kasai branch into an exclusively Luba group and antagonising other tribes. This culminated into the split of the party into the MNC-Lumumba/MNC-L under Lumumba and the MNC-Kalonji/MNC-K under Kalonji and Iléo. The latter began advocating federalism. Adoula left the organisation.Hoskyns 1965 29 Alone to lead his own faction and facing competition from ABAKO, Lumumba became increasingly strident in his demands for independence. Following an October riot in Stanleyville he was arrested. Nevertheless, the influence of himself and the MNC-L continued to grow rapidly. The party advocated for a strong unitary state, nationalism, and the termination of Belgian rule and began forming alliances with regional groups, such as the Kivu-based Centre du Regroupement Africain (CEREA).Hoskyns 1965 30 Though the Belgians supported a unitary system over the federal models suggested by ABAKO and CONAKAT, they and more moderate Congolese were unnerved by Lumumba's increasingly extremist attitudes. With the implicit support of the colonial administration, the moderates formed the Parti National du Progrès (PNP) under the leadership of Paul Bolya and Albert Delvaux. It advocated centralisation, respect for traditional elements, and close ties with Belgium.Hoskyns 1965 31 In southern Léopoldville Province, a socialist-federalist party, the Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA) was founded. Antoine Gizenga served as its president, and Cléophas Kamitatu was in charge of the Léopoldville Province chapter.Merriam 1961 131–132 The Belgo-Congolese Round Table Conference Belgo-Congolese Round Table Conference left|thumb|Opening meeting of the Belgo-Congolese Round Table Conference on 20 January 1960 After the riots of 4 January 1959 Belgian leaders became increasingly fearful of a violent political conflict emerging in the Congo. The security situation in the country deteriorated over the course of the year, especially in the Lower Congo and in Kasai, where violent clashes between Baluba and Lulua were taking place. Fearing the degeneration of the unrest into a colonial war and facing intense pressure for reform, in late 1959 the Belgian government announced that it would host a round table conference in Brussels in 1960 with the Congolese leadership to discuss the political future of the country.Hoskyns 1965 36–37 On the eve of the conference the Congolese delegations banded into a "Common Front" and demanded that all decisions be made binding on the Belgian government and that the Congo be granted immediate independence.Hoskyns 1965 37–38 The conference formally opened on 20 January. In the first speech, the Belgian prime minister assured that the Congo would be granted independence but did not specify a date. Serious negotiations did not commence until the following day.Hoskyns 1965 38 Kasa-Vubu demanded that a Congolese government be formed immediately, but his request was denied.Packham 1996 21 Disagreements between him and the Belgians over the competence of the conference led to the former walking out during the negotiations. It was then suggested that the date of independence be discussed. Lumumba, meanwhile, was released from prison and flew to Brussels to participate in the conference.Hoskyns 1965 38–39 On 27 January he made his first appearance and voiced his support for independence. After some discussion the Common Front accepted the date of 30 June 1960 for sovereignty to be granted to the Congo.Hoskyns 1965 40 The decisions of the delegates were ratified in a series of resolutions on 19 February and the conference closed the following day.Hoskyns 1965 46 The Loi Fondamentale It was decided at the Round Table Conference that the resolutions the participants adopted would serve as the basis for the Loi Fondamentale (Fundamental Law), a transitional constitution for the Congo until a permanent one could be promulgated by a Congolese parliament sitting as a constituent assembly.Lemarchand 1964 214 Summarising the similarities between the Loi Fondementale and the Constitution of Belgium, Raymond Scheyven, Minister-in-charge of Economic Affairs for the Congo, observed, "We have presented the Congolese with a political system similar to ours....It features communes, provincial assemblies, a bicameral system, and a political system where the head of state is irresponsible."Lemarchand 1964 215 The division of executive power between a presumably symbolic head of state and head of government was the most noticeable and potentially troublesome feature borrowed from the Belgian constitution. As in a parliamentary system, such power was to be exercised by a prime minister and a cabinet responsible to Parliament. If the cabinet lost the confidence of Parliament, a motion of censure would be passed (either with a simple majority in both houses of a two-thirds majority in a single house) and it would be dismissed. By comparison, the head of state (a President) was irresponsible and only had the power to ratify treaties, promulgate laws, and nominate high-ranking officials (including the Prime Minister and the cabinet).Lemarchand 1964 215 A parliament was to be composed of a lower chamber and an upper chamber. The lower chamber (Chamber of Deputies) would consist of 137 members directly "elected by universal suffrage according to the procedure fixed by the electoral law" with one deputy for every 100,000 people. The upper chamber (Senate) would be composed of 14 members from each province, elected by the members of their respective provincial assemblies.Lemarchand 1964 215 Senators and deputies that assumed a ministerial post in the central government were allowed to retain their seats in Parliament.Young 1965 369 The provincial assemblies were unicameral and varied in size, depending on the population of the provinces they served.Lemarchand 1964 215 Articles 219 and 220 delineated the authority of the central and provincial governments.Lemarchand 1964 216 The division of authority, a compromise between the federalist and unitarianist politicians, was dubbed by Belgian lawyers as "quasi-federalism".Hoskyns 1965 45 Campaign thumb|MNC-K campaign poster for Albert Kalonji Even though the date for independence had been established at the Round Table Conference, there was still substantial uncertainty throughout the Congo as to which faction would come to dominate politics in the new government. This caused deep anxiety among most of the electorate. As the Congolese had little experience in democratic processes, few eligible voters in rural areas realised the meaning and importance of an election, and even fewer understood electoral mechanics and procedure.Lemarchand 1964 214 Electoral procedure was prescribed by the electoral law of 23 March 1960. Voting was compulsory for all "males of Congolese status". Yet in order to register, one had to be at least 21 years of age and had to have resided in their respective constituency for at least six months. In order to be a candidate for provincial or federal office, one had to be at least 25 years of age, been born to a Congolese mother, and had to have resided in the Congo for at least five years.Lemarchand 1964 216 For aspiring senators, the age requirement was 30.Lemarchand 1964 217 The official electoral campaign began on 11 May, marred by confusion and violence. Rival parties employed tactics that ranged from threats to sabotage of an opponent's headquarters to murder. Such intimidation was especially prevalent in areas that were under heavy influence from the militant sects of CEREA, the PSA, ABAKO, the MNC-L, and the MNC-K. This was due not only to such parties' own radical, differing beliefs but also to a general suspicion that the Belgians would organise the contest to favor the moderates.Lemarchand 1964 217 With the notable exceptions of CONAKAT, the PNP, and the Parti de l'Unité Nationale (PUNA), most parties' rhetoric was anti-colonial in focus.Lemarchand 1964 218 The rapid onset of the campaign also broke up alliances and understandings various parties had with one another in the lead up to the conference in Brussels, such as those between ABAKO and the PSA.Weiss 2019 42–43 Frequent attacks on the colonial administration by candidates led to confusion among segments of the electorate, which were given the impression that all forms of government—except welfare services—were to be eliminated after independence.Young 1965 299 Openly socialist messages declined during the campaign, with the exception of Gizenga's speeches.Namikas 2013 57 Freedom of religion was also a major issue, especially in areas where Islam or separatist forms of Christianity were prominent. This led to attacks on the Catholic Church's monopoly on the education system.Lemarchand 1964 218 The MNC-L and the PNP were the only parties to launch significant national campaigns;Young 1965 300 most contests were energised by regional and provincial considerations.Weiss 2019 43 The parties in favor of a unitary system of government tended to place their best candidates in the central government races, while their federalist counterparts focused on provincial campaigns.Lemarchand 1964 244 While several parties focused their efforts in ways to enable or support coalition governments in the provinces, only the MNC-L strategised for a parliamentary majority coalition in informing its campaign for national parliamentary seats.Weiss 2019 49–50 Alliances such as they existed were mostly not informed by ideology.Weiss 2019 50–51 In the tumult of the last days of the Belgian domination, incidents caused returns to come late in some places.http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,874120,00.html https://web.archive.org/web/20070713161001/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,874120,00.html dead July 13, 2007 BELGIAN CONGO: Late Returns 1960-06-06 Time 2017-10-28 en-US 0040-781X Results Chamber of Deputies Mouvement National Congolais-Lumumba 521187 33 Parti Solidaire Africain 278971 13 ABAKO 210542 12 Mouvement National Congolais-Kalonji 147578 7 Parti National du Progrès 137195 7 CONAKAT 104821 8 Centre de Regroupement Africain 95721 10 Party of National Unity 92547 7 BALUBAKAT (CK) 80434 6 Congolese National Union 63425 3 Kwangolese Union for Independence and Liberty 52612 3 Kasaian Union 47526 2 Congolese Grouping 41202 4 Basonge Unity Movement (MNC-L) 30280 1 ATCAR (CK) 29657 1 MEDERCO (PNP) 27634 2 Ngwaka Association (PUNA) 26114 2 Kasaian Coalition (MNC-L) 21465 1 Alliance des Bayanzi 21024 1 UNEBAFI (MNC-L) 19324 1 Common Front–Delvaux 17716 1 ARP−PRC 16892 1 Union of the Mongo 16739 1 MNC-Kalonji Independents 14364 1 Coutumier (PNP) 13408 1 Democratic Rally of Lac, Kwango and Kwilu 12761 1 Regional parties 19422 2 Independents 63333 5 549701 3390940 Nohlen et al. Senate PartySeatsMouvement National Congolais-Lumumba21Centre de Regroupement Africain7CONAKAT7ABAKO5Cartel Katangais5Parti Solidaire Africain5Mouvement National Congolais-Kalonji4Union of the Mongo4Congolese National Union3Parti National du Progrès3LUKA2Congolese Grouping1Democratic Rally of Lac, Kwango and Kwilu1Kasaian Coalition1People's Party1Other parties1Independents5Total84Source: Sternberger et al.Dolf Sternberger, Bernhard Vogel, Dieter Nohlen & Klaus Landfried (1978) Die Wahl der Parlamente: Band II: Afrika, Zweiter Halbband, p2428 Reactions After the results were announced, Lumumba stated, "I am ready to co-operate with our opponents to form a national union government."Govender 1971 56 Belgium was surprised by the MNC-L's electoral success. Belgians who had anticipated a PNP-led government were revolted at the prospect of Lumumba leading an independent Congo.Hoskyns 1965 73–74 Many members of the various foreign missions in the Congo, however, believed that he was the only man capable of bringing order and stability to the country.Weissman 1974 54 Citations References 40em Epstein Howard M. Revolt in the Congo, 1960–1964 Facts on File 1965 New York 875482690 Gibbs David N. The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money, and U.S. Policy in the Congo Crisis University of Chicago Press American Politics and Political Economy 1991 https://books.google.com/books?id=NgN64EXv8mgC&dq= Chicago 9780226290713 Govender Robert The Martyrdom of Patrice Lumumba Neillgo 1971 London https://books.google.com/books?id=edZyAAAAMAAJ&q= 973704 Hoskyns Catherine The Congo Since Independence: January 1960 – December 1961 Oxford University Press 1965 London 414961 Lemarchand René Political Awakening in the Belgian Congo University of California Press 1964 https://books.google.com/books?id=qFI-Z5YUxigC&dq= Berkeley 905074256 Merriam Alan P. Congo: Background of Conflict Northwestern University Press 1961 https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.110664 Evanston, Illinois 424186 Namikas Lise Battleground Africa: Cold War in the Congo, 1960–1965 2013 Woodrow Wilson Center Press Washington, D.C. 978-0-8047-8486-3 Nzongola-Ntalaja Georges The Congo: From Leopold to Kabila: A People's History Zed Books illustrated, reprint 2002 London Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja https://books.google.com/books?id=qqWIvIAe2h4C&dq= 9781842770535 Packham Eric S. Freedom and Anarchy https://books.google.com/books?id=oVMV3YxfhrkC Nova Publishers New York illustrated 1996 978-1-56072-232-8 Turner Thomas The Congo Wars: Conflict, Myth, and Reality 2007 Zed Books London 978-1-84277-688-9 2nd Weiss Herbert Political Protest in the Congo : the Parti Solidaire Africain During the Independence Struggle 2019 Princeton University Press Princeton reprint https://books.google.com/books?id=VuaLDwAAQBAJ 9780691655505 Weissman Stephen R. American Foreign Policy in the Congo: 1960-1964 Cornell University Press 1974 Ithaca https://archive.org/details/americanforeignp00step registration 9780801408120 Willame Jean-Claude Patrimonialism and Political Change in the Congo https://archive.org/details/patrimonialismpo0000will registration Stanford University Press Stanford, CA 1972 978-0-8047-0793-0 Young Crawford Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and Independence Princeton Princeton University Press 1965 307971 Belgian Category:Parliamentary elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo General General