1991 Ukrainian presidential election

First Ukrainian presidential election June 2026 June 2026 Ukraine 1991 presidential 1994 Ukrainian presidential election 1994 1 December 1991 84.18% НДУ 1 Кравчук Леонід Макарович.jpg Leonid Kravchuk Independent politician 19,643,481 61.59% НДУ 2 Чорновіл Вячеслав Максимович.jpg Viacheslav Chornovil People's Movement of Ukraine 7,420,727 23.27% 1991 Ukrainian presidential election.svg Results by oblast President Leonid Kravchuk (acting) Independent politician Leonid Kravchuk Independent politician Presidential elections were held in Ukraine on 1 December 1991. Leonid Kravchuk, the chairman of the Verkhovna Rada and de facto incumbent head of state, won with 61.6% of the vote, defeating five candidates from the pro-independence national democratic opposition Democratic Bloc. Kravchuk, a national communist, linked his campaign to the concurrent independence referendum, which was supported by 90% of voters. Communist hardliners, previously dominant in Ukraine's politics, were weakened after Mikhail Gorbachev's rise to power and the Chornobyl disaster. From 1989 to 1991, the pro-independence People's Movement of Ukraine (abbreviated Rukh) emerged, consolidating Ukraine's Soviet dissidents behind a united political force. The Communist Party of Ukraine, meanwhile, was divided between national communists (led by Kravchuk) and hardliners. Independence was the main issue during the election, and all candidates supported Ukraine's independence from the Soviet Union following the 1991 coup attempt. During the election, the opposition was divided, as supporters of ex-political prisoner Levko Lukianenko rejected dissident leader Viacheslav Chornovil as Rukhs candidate. Kravchuk, the sole leftist candidate, utilised state media to his advantage, and was accused by the opposition of receiving disproportionate press coverage. He was further bolstered by his effective incumbency and an informal coalition of nomenklatura elites, collective farm bosses and ethnic minorities. Kravchuk's main opponent, Chornovil, campaigned on privatisation and a federal system of government. The election was largely free and fair, and Kravchuk won in all regions of the country besides the western Galicia. Background 1989–1991 Ukrainian revolution dissolution of the Soviet Union The Communist Party's rule over Ukraine, dominated by hardline leader Volodymyr Shcherbytsky, began to weaken following Mikhail Gorbachev's rise to power in 1985 and the Chornobyl disaster a year later. Such factors strengthened Ukraine's Soviet dissidents,Due to their support for Ukrainian nationalism, human rights and democracy, the ideology of Ukrainian dissidents is primarily referred to as National Democracy, and its supporters as national democrats.D'Anieri Kravchuk Kuzio 1999 20 and by 1988 the Ukrainian Helsinki Union (uk Українська Гельсінська спілка Ukrainska Helsinksa spilka gb, abbreviated UHS) had come into existence as an informal political party uniting a variety of dissident groups. The formation of the UHS was opposed by Shcherbytsky, who accused members of the party of engaging in anti-Soviet agitation. From 1989, protest movements increasingly gained strength, primarily focusing on environmentalism and preservation of the Ukrainian language and culture against Russification. The People's Movement of Ukraine (uk Народний Рух України Narodnyi Rukh Ukrainy gb no, commonly known simply as Rukh) was formed in February of that year by a group of intellectuals, and successfully consolidated the dissident movement behind a singular organisation. Student protests on Kyiv's October Revolution Square (now Maidan Nezalezhnosti), later known as the Revolution on Granite, further encouraged opposition to the Communist Party and support for Ukraine's independence.Marples 2019 322–324 Shcherbytsky retired from office in autumn 1989 and was replaced by Vladimir Ivashko, who left office six months later to become an adviser to Gorbachev.Marples 2019 322 As a result, the positions of First Secretary and Chairman of the Supreme Soviet were split between conservative hardliner Stanislav Hurenko and Leonid Kravchuk, a national communist. Shcherbytsky's fall from power resulted in the dissidents increasingly embracing Ukrainian independence, which, as a result of Gorbachev's policies of glasnost and increased powers for the republics, was eventually embraced by the national communists in 1991. The August 1991 Soviet coup attempt and its failure resulted in an effective collapse of support for retaining the Soviet Union among even conservative communists, who increasingly saw independence as an inevitability and supporting it as necessary to retain political power.D'Anieri Kravchuk Kuzio 1999 23–25 The Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic passed a resolution in June 1991 establishing the office of President of Ukraine. On 5 July a law was passed providing for elections to the office on 1 December. While the campaign formally began on 5 July with the establishment of regulations around campaign advertisements, it effectively did not start until September 1991, after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence of Ukraine following the failure of the coup attempt.Zolotariova 2021 Campaign + Polls during the campaign(as compiled by Potichnyj 1991)Potichnyj 1991 136 Date Kravchuk Chornovil Lukianenko Hrynyov Yukhnovskyi September 1991 32.7 8.1 2.6 6.8 October 1991 38.3 14.5 3.9 3.2 4.2 1 December 1991 (results) 61.6 23.3 4.5 4.2 1.7 The primary issue during the election was Ukrainian independence. All candidates adopted pro-independence programmes in a reflection of popular support for Rukh and its two affiliates, the Democratic Party of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Republican Party. In an interview, Chornovil noted Kravchuk's embrace of Rukh policies, saying that the difference between their programmes was "Nothing[,] except that my programme is thirty years old, and Kravchuk's three weeks old".Kuzio 2000 63 Besides independence, the other issues debated by the candidates were whether federalism should be adopted, as well as the pace of market reforms. Most candidates favoured the adoption of a federal system consisting of multiple 'lands' (uk землі zemli gb no); Kravchuk, on the contrary, favoured maintenance of a centralised state with 12 self-governing economic regions.Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 4 Political scientist Peter Potichnyj argues that the election was "for all candidates a single issue campaign" focused on affirming the referendum, benefiting Kravchuk.Potichnyj 1991 135 Two of the candidates contesting the election (Viacheslav Chornovil and Levko Lukianenko) had been political prisoners,Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 3 and all five besides Kravchuk were associated with the national-democratic Democratic Bloc faction. In contrast to Kravchuk, none of the opposition candidates possessed name recognition or Kravchuk's organisation; Political scientist Taras Kuzio notes that each candidate sought to act as a representative of the Democratic Bloc, but that the uncoordinated decision by all five candidates to launch their own campaigns was "collectively disastrous".Kuzio 2000 195 In contrast to Kravchuk, who consolidated the left behind his candidacy, the opposition was marked by infighting over the selection of a candidate. Chornovil emerged as Kravchuk's main opponent,D'Anieri Kravchuk Kuzio 1999 27 and was endorsed by the Rukh.Potichnyj 1991 127 The Grand Council of Rukh initially, upon the agreement of Chornovil and Lukianenko, held a vote in September to determine who the organisation's candidate would be in the election, with all other candidates dropping out. Three candidates participated in the election: Chornovil, Lukianenko and academic Ihor Yukhnovskyi. After Chornovil was voted as Rukhs candidate, head of the Rukh secretariat Mykhailo Horyn (a supporter of Lukianenko) rejected the decision of the Grand Council.Ponamarchuk 2016 The Grand Council issued a directive permitting local branches to endorse any opposition candidate on 1 September; as a result, the organisation was thrown into further chaos.Kuzio 2000 195 Both Chornovil and Lukianenko received support from the Crimean Tatar community, with leader Mustafa Dzhemilev saying that "Rukh supports the Tatars and we do not want border changes".Potichnyj 1991 127 Kravchuk thumb|alt=Leonid Kravchuk and George H. W. Bush signing documents at a table. They are flanked by the flags of Ukraine and the United States.|Leonid Kravchuk (left) and US president George H. W. Bush, 1992. Kravchuk's frequent meetings with foreign leaders led voters to view him as a symbol of stability. Chairman of the Verkhovna RadaCommission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 3 Leonid Kravchuk was the sole left-wing candidate in the election.Kuzio 2000 195Wilson 2022 169 He was supported by the Socialist Party of Ukraine (the legal successor to the Communist Party), as well as the Donetsk Oblast branch of Rukh. Minister of Agriculture Oleksandr Tkachenko, initially the seventh candidate on the ballot, dropped out and endorsed Kravchuk's campaign.Kuzio 2000 195 Kravchuk's campaign lacked a singular policy programme, instead issuing multiple, often differing statements. He most frequently focused on a slogan of five 'D's: state, democracy, prosperity, spirituality and trust.uk Держава, демократія, достаток, духовність, довіра Derzhava, demokratiia, dostatok, dukhovnist, dovira gb no. These points represented the supremacy of human rights in the state, a "socially-oriented economy", continuing Ukrainian cultural development and improving public trust.Zolotariova 2021 Kravchuk's campaign was broadly conservative.Andrusechko 2010 29 Kravchuk received support from state media, including television and radio services and newspapers.Karatnycky 2024 9 Les Tanyuk, a member of Chornovil's campaign staff, alleged that 62% of all television and radio airtime went to Kravchuk and Tkachenko. Paper was also supplied to pro-government newspapers to benefit Kravchuk's campaign; the independent Evening Kyiv, by contrast, was printed in a large double-page broadsheet size. Kravchuk's usage of mass media appealed most to the less-educated; he was additionally supported by kolkhoz chairmen, who maintained political control over rural Ukraine, the nomenklatura, state-backed trade unions and non-ethnic Ukrainians.Kuzio 2000 196–198 Kravchuk's campaign was benefited by his de facto incumbency (demonstrated by his frequent meetings with international leaders) and name recognition, which enabled voters to see him as symbolic of stability in the otherwise-chaotic environment of the Soviet Union's dissolution. He did not significantly engage in the election or discuss other issues besides Ukrainian independence, instead committing most of his energy to the referendum.Potichnyj 1991 135–136 According to Kuzio, Kravchuk's campaign for the presidency sought to make itself "indistinguishable" from the independence referendum and coopt the national democrats' messaging in order to stifle the opposition campaigns.Kuzio 2000 194–195 Chornovil thumb|left|alt=A crowd of people wearing suits and traditional Ukrainian clothing waves Ukrainian flags at a demonstration|Viacheslav Chornovil at a rally for the People's Movement of Ukraine in Kryvyi Rih, 1990. Chornovil travelled throughout southern and eastern Ukraine both to support his presidential campaign and the independence referendum. Former political prisoner, chairman of the Lviv Oblast Council and People's DeputyCommission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 3 Viacheslav Chornovil was Kravchuk's primary opponent in the election. He was formally supported by Rukh and used the organisation's resources both to support his candidacy and the referendum, travelling throughout Ukraine to advocate for an independent and democratic Ukraine.Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 5 Chornovil's campaign was boosted in western Galicia (particularly Lviv Oblast) by a favourite son effect due to his chairmanship of the Lviv Oblast Council.Potichnyj 1991 134 He further polled as defeating Kravchuk in Rivne, Volyn and Khmelnytskyi oblasts. In the final results, however, Chornovil was defeated by Kravchuk in all three regions.Potichnyj 1991 136 Chornovil's campaign largely focused on securing independence and undertaking major socioeconomic reforms, including privatisation of state assets. Chornovil described his programme as largely identical to that of Kravchuk, saying that while he had formulated his political views over the past thirty years, Kravchuk had only recently begun to embrace the same attitudes. Other positions included environmental protections, strengthening the power of trade unions, establishment of national personal autonomy for ethnic minorities and Ukrainian membership in both post-Soviet and European international organisations (including a hypothesised pan-European mutual defence pact).Zolotariova 2021 He advocated for the federalisation of Ukraine into ten lands corresponding to Galicia and the historic governorates of the Ukrainian People's Republic, with Crimea being either an independent state or an autonomous region.Riabinin 2021 90 In contrast to Kravchuk's statesmanlike demeanour, Chornovil's behaviour was recognised by the US Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe as "emotional and sometimes impulsive", something that had enabled his success as a dissident leader but appeared to some voters as unpresidential.Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 4 Chornovil's statements, such as those promising economic stability within half a year of his election, were dismissed by Kravchuk's campaign as impossible, and his foreign policy views drew the ire of voters who favoured maintaining close ties with Russia.Marples 2019 334–335 Speaking to former Radio Free Europe director George Urban, Chornovil argued that he could have won with an additional six months of campaigning. Prior to the election, Chornovil expressed hope for a second round of voting in which he would be able to defeat Kravchuk.Urban 1992 40 Lukianenko thumb|alt=An image of two men at a rally. On the left, a man speaks into a speaker. The second man stands next to him, holding flowers.|Levko Lukianenko (right) at a campaign rally in Pyriatyn, 8 September In contrast to other opposition candidates, People's Deputy and ex-political prisonerCommission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 3 Levko Lukianenko ran a populist campaign. He was supported by the Ukrainian Republican Party, being one of only two candidates (alongside Hrynyov) fielded by a party. Some Rukh-supporting members of the nomenklatura, such as Ivan Drach, and the secretariat of Rukh (headed by URP member Mykhailo Horyn) supported Lukianenko's candidacy.Kuzio 2000 195 Lukianenko's programme argued that Ukraine could become a "developed European state" within five years through strengthening environmental protections, improving human rights through increased integration with international organisations and increased funding for education.Zolotariova 2021 Mykola Kulchynskyi uk Кульчинський Микола Георгійович, a dissident and People's Deputy who supported Chornovil, accused Lukianenko of refusing to drop out in order to benefit Kravchuk.Kulchynskyi 2023 Lukianenko was known among the intelligentsia and in urban areas but otherwise lacked name recognition, and his campaign was hampered by organisational difficulties.Potichnyj 1991 137 Much like Chornovil (but to a greater extent), Lukianenko's campaign was also hampered by his known anti-Russian views, with voters feeling that Russian opposition to Ukrainian independence would lead to the annexation of Crimea and eastern Ukraine.Marples 2019 335–336 Lukianenko was endorsed by Prosvita and the Union of Ukrainian Students.Kuzio 2000 195 Other candidates 100 НДУ 1 Гриньов Володимир Борисович.jpg Volodymyr Hrynyov НДУ 1 Юхновський Ігор Рафаїлович.jpg Ihor Yukhnovskyi НДУ 1 Табурянський Леопольд Іванович.jpg Leopold Taburyanskyi Three other candidates contested the election: People's Deputy and academic Ihor Yukhnovskyi, People's Deputy Volodymyr Hrynyov and businessman Leopold Taburyanskyi. All three were supporters of the democratic opposition.Birch 2000 77 The Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine had two candidates (Yukhnovskyi and Hrynyov), being the only other party besides the Republican Party to nominate a candidate.Kuzio 2000 195 Yukhnovskyi had been leader of the Democratic Bloc in the Supreme Soviet, and was most popular in western Ukraine and in other centres of the intelligentsia (namely Kyiv and Odesa).Potichnyj 1991 137 Political scientist Sarah Birch describes Yukhnovskyi as a liberal centrist, but notes that he was the more relatively inclined to national democracy of the PDRU's candidates.Birch 2000 77 Yukhnovskyi's campaign was marked by unconventional advertising, including extensive usage of poetry in campaign adverts. During the campaign, Yukhnovskyi faced attacks from other candidates regarding his age; in response, he compared himself to US presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and George H. W. Bush and French president François Mitterrand. He received endorsements from a variety of businessmen and public figures, including Pivdenmash director Leonid Kuchma, Donetsk Metallurgical Plant director Volodymyr Sliedniev uk Слєднєв Володимир Петрович and Petro Talanchuk, rector of Kyiv Polytechnic Institute.Zolotariova 2021 Hrynyov was the only non-Ukrainian in the election. He had been a cofounder of the PDRU,Birch 2000 77 During the election, he received support from some miners' strike committees in the Donbas, as well as the Russian Constitutional Democratic Party – Party of Popular Freedom and branches of the PDRU from eastern Ukraine.Kuzio 2000 195 Hrynyov's campaign primarily argued for maintained ties with other post-Soviet states in order to improve economic performance, additionally campaigning on his status as the youngest candidate in the race.Zolotariova 2021 Taburyanskyi was a member of the small People's Party, which largely emerged from the cooperative movement.Birch 2000 77 He obtained ballot access through his position as head of the Olimp cooperative.Kuzio 2000 195 Taburyanskyi was not included in election polls, and failed to accumulate support outside of his native Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.Potichnyj 1991 135–136 Three other candidates (all from the opposition) also launched their candidacies, but failed to obtain the signatures required for ballot access: Yurii Shukhevych for the far-right Ukrainian National Assembly (then known as the Inter-Party Assembly); Yuriy Shcherbak of the Party of Greens and Volodymyr Pylypchuk of the Democratic Party.Kuzio 2000 195 Election Kravchuk had been expected to win in advance of the vote; Chornovil said on election day that "I will have won these elections no matter what happens, even if I don't become the president. The pre-election campaign gave me the opportunity to travel all over Ukraine, to meet the people, and to politicise the East".Potichnyj 1991 135 At the time, the election was largely overshadowed by the concurrent independence referendum, in which 90.3% of voters confirmed Ukrainian independence.Andrusechko 2010 29 Kravchuk decisively won the election in the first round with 61.59% of votes in favour. He won across all regions of Ukraine except in the Galician Ivano-Frankivsk, Lviv and Ternopil oblasts, where Chornovil won a majority of all votes. The closest results for Kravchuk were in Chernivtsi Oblast, and in central, southern and eastern Ukraine results averaged 60–80% in favour of Kravchuk.Potichnyj 1991 134–135 Kravchuk voters closely followed general demographics of national communists, including residence in central Ukraine, membership in the Communist Party and inclination towards the Russian language. Those from urban areas, Ukrainian speakers, and those from western and (to a lesser extent) eastern Ukraine were less likely to vote for Kravchuk.Birch 2000 78–79 Chornovil placed second at 23.27%.Lalpychak 1991 Outside of Galicia and Chernivtsi Oblast, the best results for Chornovil came from Zakarpattia, Kyiv, Rivne, Cherkasy and Volyn oblasts, along with the city of Kyiv. His worst results, conversely, came from Crimea, Donetsk Oblast and Luhansk Oblast.Potichnyj 1991 135 The demographics of Chornovil's supporters were generally the inverse of those of Kravchuk's; Ukrainian speakers and non-members of the CPU were more likely to support Chornovil, as were residents of urban areas and western Ukrainians.Birch 2000 79 The election was monitored by over 100 international observers, including five Canadian members of parliament, seven members of the European Parliament and Gert Weisskirchen, a deputy of the German Bundestag.Lalpychak 1991 Unlike the 1990 Supreme Soviet election, which had been neither free nor fair, the 1991 election was conducted in a professional manner, with relatively few election irregularities. The most frequent violations observed by the CSCE were voters being accompanied by other individuals in booths or voting for others by presenting the non-present individual's internal passport. In both cases, these irregularities usually involved voters' spouses. Other incidents occurred in small villages, where voters were not required to present identity documents before voting. A more serious incident occurred in Lviv, where a vote counter marked two ballots as being cast for Chornovil rather than being invalid. Organised electoral violations primarily targeted Rukh; Members of the Russian far-right group Pamyat were present in Kharkiv to prevent the distribution of electoral material from Chornovil's campaign and encourage a boycott of the election. Supporters of Chornovil were also attacked in Kharkiv, and Rukh reported that its observers were not permitted to monitor the election or attacked in southern and eastern Ukraine.Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 1992 7 Impact Kravchuk was inaugurated as president of Ukraine four days after his election. Bolstered by the results of the presidential election and the referendum, he travelled to Białowieża Forest to conduct negotiations with leaders of Russia and Belarus Boris Yeltsin and Stanislav Shushkevich, rejecting Russian attempts to maintain control of Ukraine in the format of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Kravchuk's presidency was marked by nation-building and continued liberalisation, as well as the continued dominance of former communists, a lack of economic reforms and Western financial aid, and hyperinflation.Karatnycky 2024 9–15 Following Chornovil's defeat, Rukh was marked by a split between those who saw the organisation's role as providing support to Kravchuk's presidential agenda from the right (such as Ivan Drach and Mykhailo Horyn) and supporters of Chornovil, who envisioned Rukh surviving as an opposition movement with Chornovil as its leader.Potichnyj 1991 138 The organisation averted a split at its Third Congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine Third Congress uk III З'їзд Народного Руху України in February 1992 by electing Chornovil, Drach and Horyn as co-chairs in an effort to negotiate a compromise; however, by the time of the Fourth Congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine Fourth Congress uk IV З'їзд Народного Руху України in December of the same year, Chornovil's faction succeeded, transforming Rukh into a centre-right political party.Kulchytskyi 2020 Kravchuk's victory in the presidential election, coupled with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, marked a significant change in politics. As Lukianenko noted after the election, in contrast to the period before the coup attempt, when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union and lacked an independent state, "after 24 August we must raise ourselves to the same level [as the state], cooperate with it, defend it against external enemies and fifth columns". The threat of renewed aggression from Russia led many national democrats to cooperate with former communists out of a shared belief (as noted by dissident Yuriy Badzyo) that the intelligentsia lacked the capacity to govern on its own. In what Wilson terms a "grand bargain", the national democrats were forced into an informal coalition with the business and former party elites of the nomenklatura, accepting important ministries and working together to keep the left out of power in return for a position as lesser partners under a corporatocracy.Wilson 2022 173–176 Political analyst Mykola Riabchuk likewise describes post-1991 Ukraine as a "hybrid state", with particular focus on the continued institutional dominance of former communists and the survival of Soviet cultural identities alongside their post-Soviet equivalents.Riabchuk 2015 143 Results Leonid Kravchuk Independent 19643481 Viacheslav Chornovil People's Movement of Ukraine 7420727 Levko Lukianenko Ukrainian Republican Party 1432556 Volodymyr Hrynyov Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine 1329758 Ihor Yukhnovskyi Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine 554719 Leopold Taburyanskyi People's Party of Ukraine 182713 #F8D612 Against all and invalid votes 1327788 31891742 37885555 Nohlen & StöverNohlen Stöver 2010 1993 Results by candidate Kravchuk Independent politician 61.6 Chornovil People's Movement of Ukraine 23.3 Lukianenko Ukrainian Republican Party 4.5 Hrynyov Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine 4.2 Yukhnovskyi Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine 1.7 Taburyanskyi People's Party of Ukraine (1991) 0.6 + Election results by region, percentagesKuzio 2000 200 Leonid Kravchuk Viacheslav Chornovil Levko Lukianenko Volodymyr Hrynyov Ihor Yukhnovskyi Leopold Taburyanskyi Region Votes (%) Votes (%) Votes (%) Votes (%) Votes (%) Votes (%) Crimea 56.7 5.0 1.9 9.4 0.9 0.9 Vinnytsia 72.3 18.3 3.3 1.4 1.6 0.4 Volyn 52.9 31.4 8.9 0.8 3.3 0.3 Dnipropetrovsk 69.7 18.2 2.5 3.2 1.9 1.9 Donetsk 71.5 9.7 3.1 11.0 0.9 0.7 Zhytomyr 77.6 13.4 3.3 1.1 1.1 0.4 Zakarpattia 58.0 27.6 5.0 1.3 2.8 0.4 Zaporizhzhia 74.7 13.0 3.1 3.9 1.3 0.7 Ivano-Frankivsk 13.7 67.1 11.6 0.6 3.3 0.1 Kyiv 66.0 21.2 5.6 1.7 1.5 0.5 Kirovohrad 74.8 13.6 3.5 1.7 1.1 0.6 Luhansk 76.2 9.9 2.0 6.8 0.7 0.5 Lviv 11.6 75.9 4.7 0.8 4.4 0.2 Mykolaiv 72.3 15.1 2.3 5.6 0.7 0.4 Odesa 70.7 12.8 2.8 8.4 1.1 0.5 Poltava 75.1 13.6 4.2 2.5 1.3 0.6 Rivne 53.1 25.6 13.4 0.8 3.6 0.4 Sumy 72.4 14.7 3.9 2.5 1.8 0.5 Ternopil 16.8 57.5 19.6 0.4 3.2 0.2 Kharkiv 60.9 19.7 2.1 11.0 1.0 0.4 Kherson 70.2 18.1 2.2 3.3 1.0 0.5 Khmelnytskyi 75.5 15.4 3.3 1.2 1.7 0.4 Cherkasy 67.1 25.0 2.0 1.4 3.5 0.5 Chernivtsi 43.6 42.7 4.4 1.4 2.0 0.4 Chernihiv 74.2 12.3 6.7 1.5 0.9 0.4 Kyiv city 56.1 26.7 6.4 3.5 3.5 0.5 Sevastopol 54.7 10.9 1.8 8.4 0.9 0.8 Black Sea Fleet 74.4 23.0 4.0 6.0 1.1 1.5 TOTALS: 61.6 23.3 4.5 4.2 1.7 0.6 Notes References Bibliography Books D'Anieri Paul Paul D'Anieri Politics And Society In Ukraine Kravchuk Robert Robert Kravchuk Kuzio Taras Taras Kuzio Westview Press, Taylor and Francis 1999 978-0-8133-3538-4 New York and Abingdon, Oxon 99-30503 Kuzio Taras Ukraine: Perestroika to Independence Palgrave Macmillan 2000 0-333-73983-3 2nd Basingstoke and London 273 98007135 Wilson Andrew Andrew Wilson (historian) The Ukrainians: The Story of How a People Became a Nation Yale University Press 2022 978-0-300-27249-9 New New Haven and London 434 2022943778 Karatnycky Adrian Battleground Ukraine: From Independence to the War with Russia Yale University Press 2024 10.12987/9780300277425 978-0-300-26946-8 jj.14962455 New Haven and London 346 2023949848 Riabinin Yevhen uk:Чорноволівські читання: Матеріали VII Всеукраїнської наукової конференції 27 March 2021 Beskydy Derevinskyi Vasyl Kyiv 89–92 uk Chornovil Readings: materials of the 7th all-Ukrainian scientific conference Ідеї В.Чорновола стосовно державно-територіального устрою України V. Chornovil's ideas regarding the state and territorial structure of Ukraine Birch Sarah Sarah Birch Elections and Democratization in Ukraine Palgrave Macmillan 2000 978-0-333-97731-6 Basingstoke and London 212 10.1057/9780333977316 00024439 Nohlen Dieter Dieter Nohlen https://www.scienceopen.com/book?vid=da5d96c6-2042-4964-bfdc-a618d6f800e5 Elections in Europe: A Data Handbook Stöver Philip Nomos Publishing 2010 978-3-8329-5609-7 2070 10.5771/9783845223414 Journal articles Marples David R. David R. Marples September 2019 Ukraine's drive to independence in 1991 Canadian Slavonic Papers 61 3 321–345 10.1080/00085006.2019.1636629 26774609 Riabchuk Mykola Mykola Riabchuk 22 April 2015 'Two Ukraines' Reconsidered: The End of Ukrainian Ambivalence? Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 15 1 138–156 10.1111/sena.12120 1473-8481 1754-9469 Potichnyj Peter J. 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V. 2020 Dziuba I. M. Ivan Dziuba Zhukovskyi A. I. Zhelezniak M. H. uk:Народний рух України People's Movement of Ukraine https://esu.com.ua/article-71180 9 June 2026 Encyclopedia of Modern Ukraine 22 National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Shevchenko Scientific Society uk Kyiv 978-966-02-2074-4 29 May 2024 https://web.archive.org/web/20240529152039/https://esu.com.ua/article-71180 live Category:1989–1991 Ukrainian revolution Presidential election Category:Presidential elections in Ukraine Ukraine Ukraine Category:Leonid Kravchuk Category:Election and referendum articles with incomplete results