1909 Chinese provincial elections

First Chinese provincial elections thumb|Elections were held in 21 of Qing China's 22 provinces, excepting Xinjiang. Non-provinces are marked in white.|alt=A map of Qing China showing 21 provinces marked in blue, Xinjiang marked in grey, and the remaining areas marked in white The Qing dynasty held its first set of provincial assembly elections from February to June 1909. Following a lengthy period of political turmoil which included the failure of the 1898 Hundred Days' Reform and the 1899–1901 Boxer Rebellion, the constitutionalist movement gained approval from the imperial court and Empress Dowager Cixi. Seeing local self-governance as a first step towards constitutionalism, in 1907 the Qing Government approved the creation of provincial assemblies. The following year, an indirect election system was outlined to fill these assemblies. They were held in 21 of the country's 22 provinces; Xinjiang elections were postponed due to low rates of literacy in Chinese. Suffrage and candidacy was limited to a small population of wealthy men, most of whom were members of the scholar-gentry. Public attitudes towards the elections were generally apathetic, and corruption, fraud, and vote buying were common across the country. Turnout greatly varied between provinces and regions, but was generally low. The elected provincial assemblies were composed largely of constitutionalists, who were often divided between progressive and conservative wings. Some assemblymen were clandestine members of the revolutionary organization Tongmenghui. The assemblies agitated for a variety of economic and political reforms, which brought them into conflict with the provincial governors, who held veto power over the bodies. The assemblies participated in parliamentary elections, electing half of the members of the National Assembly. Before another set of elections could be held, the Qing dynasty collapsed in the 1911 Revolution and the Republic of China was founded. The first provincial elections under the new government were held in 1912. Background Late Qing reforms alt=A black and white photograph of Liang Qichao in a suit|thumb|upright|Constitutionalist leader Liang Qichao, 1905 Since the Song dynasty (960–1279), scholars were appointed to positions in the imperial Chinese bureaucracy through the imperial examination system.Hill 2013 215–216 This system was carried through to the late Qing dynasty, although it had come under increasing intellectual opposition during the late 19th century as corrupt and ineffective. As it entered the 20th century, the Qing empire was in social and political turmoil, facing a series of defeats by the Western powers. Despite the repression of the Hundred Days' Reform in 1898, the constitutionalist movement continued to advocate for the creation of a constitutional government in lieu of Qing absolutism. The writer Liang Qichao emerged as the movement's most influential leader.Chang 2011 197–198Hill 2013 216–218Xiao-Planes 2009 39–40 The de facto head of state Empress Dowager Cixi, previously opposed to the reform movement, had begun to grow sympathetic in the wake of China's humiliation in the Boxer Rebellion and the upset victory of the constitutionalist Empire of Japan in the Russo-Japanese War.Chang 2011 197–198 The administrative, bureaucratic, and judicial systems were the first major targets for reform; redundant and archaic offices were abolished, the functions of the Six Boards (powerful imperial government agencies) were transferred to a new set of civil ministries, and the three northeastern provinces were integrated into the administrative framework of the other provinces.Ichiko 1980 389–395 In June 1905, prominent imperial officials Yuan Shikai, Zhang Zhidong, and Zhou Fu jointly submitted a call for the creation of a constitutional monarchy.Min 1989 141 The Qing government reduced the frequency of the imperial exams and began to promote a Western-style education system; when this met resistance by local gentry, the examination system was abolished in 1905. The government initially intended to replace the imperial examinations with a new form of civil service exam; however, little progress was made in its creation. Instead, the central government began to pursue elections as an alternative to examinations.Chang 2011 197–198Hill 2013 216–218Chang 1968 143–145 Although new entries into the gentry ended with the examination system, the class still held immense influence. Including their family members, slightly under two percent of the population were members of the gentry by the late 19th century. Although the majority had reached this status through the examination system, an increasing number had purchased gentry status from the central government, at a cost which had been dramatically lowered in the decades following the Taiping Rebellion.Min 1989 155–156Chang 1955 137–141 Creation of provincial assemblies Proposals for local and provincial assemblies were raised following the end of the Hundred Days' Reform. In the first few years of the 1900s, reformist and revolutionary thinkers such as Sun Yat-sen, Ho Kai, and Kang Youwei began to advocate for such assemblies, citing both Western systems of local government and the traditional governance system of fengjian no.Min 1989 138–139Fengjian no describes a variety of Chinese governing principles and systems that were analogized to European feudalism by late Qing and Republican intellectuals.Murthy 2008 151–154 As the central government began to embrace the constitutional movement, reformist officials began to advocate for the establishment of local self-governance as a preliminary step towards a constitutional government.Min 1989 148–149 Upon the recommendation of a 1906 state committee headed by Prince Zaifeng, Cixi issued an edict in support of a constitution and national legislature.Fincher 1981 71 The next year, the Grand Council established the Constitutional Commission to begin a twelve-year constitutional reform process, inspired by the Japanese Meiji Restoration and constitution.Chang 2011 197–198Ichiko 1980 396–397 Under the supervision of Yuan Shikai, the Tianjin County Council held the first Western-style elections in Chinese history in August 1907.Thompson 1995 37–39 Following a proposal by Yuan in July, on 19 October, the Constitutional Commission received imperial assent to organize provincial assemblies (谘议局 Zīyìjú no),While generally translated "provincial assembly" the name ziyiju carries the connotation of a temporary consultative council rather than provincial legislatures (省議會 Shěng yìhuì). Historian Roger Thompson instead labels them "provincial consultative bureaus".Thompson 1985 293 in preparation for the establishment of the National Assembly (資政院 Zīzhèngyuàn no) and proper provincial legislatures.Min 1989 150–153Ichiko 1980 398 Following this, various provinces (including Jiangsu, Guangdong, Guangxi, and Fengtian) created unelected provincial assemblies with appointees from the local gentry.Min 1989 154 Procedures and preparations In July 1908, the central court produced regulations for the implementation of provincial assemblies and their elections. The "Regulations for Provincial Assembly Elections" was a 115-clause document which established the electoral processes. The provincial assembly elections were indirect elections via an electoral college; voters would vote on a slate of electors, who would in turn elect the provincial assemblymen. In addition to their provincial duties, these assemblymen would elect the members of the National Assembly in a separate election later in the year.Chang 2011 197–198Chang 1968 146–147Hill 2019 76 Only men were allowed to participate in the election.Chang 1984 6 Both voters and elector candidates were subject to the same set of requirements, beyond a minimum age of 25 for voters and 30 for electors. Eligible men were required to have either taught at above the primary level for at least three years, graduated from a secondary school, held the imperial examination rank of gongsheng no (貢生 no) or higher, held a post at or above the seventh rank of the civil service or the fifth rank of the military, or had wealth (either through a business or land holdings) exceeding 5,000 yuan.In 1912, China's per capita gross domestic product (GDP) was 52.26 yuan. A metric ton of rice in this period cost around 102 yuan, while a ton of wheat cost 71.4.Ma 2020 58–59 lower-alpha Criminals, opium users, police officers, students, priests, and those with family members in disreputable careers were barred from voting or standing as candidates.Chang 1968 146–147Hill 2019 80, 85Xiao-Planes 2012 244 If a voter was not native to their province, they were required to have resided there for over ten years, and have wealth exceeding 10,000 yuan.Fincher 1981 108–109 These regulations resulted in the overwhelming majority of the population being ineligible to vote.Fincher 1981 110–111 Following the promulgation of these regulations, preparatory offices were formed in each province; They were staffed by a mix of existing officials and the scholar-gentry.Min 1989 155–156Chang 1955 137–141 Officials were often forced to give concessions to local gentry — in the form of leadership positions within the preparatory offices — in order to guarantee cooperation.Min 1989 155–156 Some of the preparatory offices were tightly controlled by provincial officials, while others (such as Guangdong's) were independent and hostile to the provincial government.Fincher 1981 106 Electoral divisions followed provincial administrative subdivisions of prefectures, counties, and districts. Seats were allotted to these according to the quota of students enrolled at prefecture, department, and county schools. Manchu bannermen (hereditary military positions for Manchu officials) were also allocated seats. The central government initially planned twenty-three provincial assemblies, one for each province, with Jiangsu divided into a southern assembly in Suzhou and a northern assembly in Nanjing. The two Jiangsu assemblies were merged due to local pressure, while the assembly for Xinjiang was postponed due to extremely low rates of literacy in Chinese.Chang 1968 146–147Hill 2019 76Min 1989 156–157The dominant language among Xinjiang's Turkic elite was Turki, while Mongol was often used in communication with the Qing government.Schlussel 2014 148, 150 lower-alpha Elections were not held in Tibet, the Kokonur (modern Qinghai), and Mongolia, as they were not provinces, instead administered under the Lifan Bu (理藩部 no, a state agency which succeeded the Lifan Yuan).Weiers 2016 73–81Hill 2019 63 Campaign alt=A cartoon of a candidate talking to two voters in Jiangsu, beckoning them to enter a restaurant |thumb|Cartoon of a candidate offering a meal to voters in Jiangsu, from the Shanghai ShibaoHill 2019 96–99The public was generally apathetic towards the elections. Only one voting station existed in each electoral district, often many miles apart. Citizens who were eligible through their wealth were often hesitant to give their property value to register, fearing that they would come under scrutiny from tax collectors. Preparatory office officials emphasized that the voter census would not be a precursor to new taxation.Chang 1968 147Hill 2019 85–86 In Shandong, Shanxi, and Yunnan, lecturers were sent to inform potential voters of the election and solicit their participation.Cameron 1963 122 Information about the reforms was also transmitted through periodicals, distributed to remote regions.Fincher 1981 108–109 Registration for the elections took about six months.Fincher 1981 110–111 As the infant Xuantong Emperor had ascended to the throne after voter registration had begun, many registered voters were listed with names violating the new name taboo by having names which shared characters with the emperor's name. In southern Jiangsu, those who could not be contacted to change their names in time had their names changed by the election preparatory office.Hill 2019 85 Corruption, election fraud, and vote buying were frequent across the country. Some voters in Yangzhou, Jiangsu, were found to have voted by proxy, while some ineligible voters were allowed to cast ballots in Anhui. Votes cast in Ansu, Zhili, were decided by village brawls. In Houguan County, Fujian, the results of two districts were voided due to suspicious polling booth supervision.Min 1989 158 In contrast, the North China Herald reported a relatively well-organized election in Shanxi.Chang 1984 10 Results In most provinces, turnout was low even among the eligible population. Out of 21,073 registered voters in Shuntian Prefecture (containing Beijing), only a little over 1,500 votes were cast. Somewhere between 40–70% of eligible voters in Jiangsu participated; in Fujian, turnout was as high as 40% in the cities, while ranging from 10–20% in the rural countryside.Cameron 1963 122Min 1989 157 Foreign eyewitnesses reported very low enthusiasm and participation within much of the country.Min 1989 158 Assembly composition alt=A black and white photo of a large domed building|thumb|The Zhili Provincial Assembly hall in Tianjin Those elected to the assemblies were mostly scholar-gentry, especially those with advanced degrees. Within five assemblies with known member compositions, a slight majority of members were higher-ranking gentry, with only about 10% from non-gentry backgrounds. A small but prominent percentage of members had studied outside of China‚ mainly in Japan; the Sichuan assembly had the most Japanese-educated assembly members.Chang 1968 149–153Cameron 1963 123 The average age of the elected candidates was 41.Chang 1984 17 The vast majority of members elected were constitutionalists. Although they formed a broad opposition bloc to revolutionary groups such as the Tongmenghui, they were not a unified faction; the Shandong and Guizhou assemblies quickly fell into factional conflict between conservative and progressive wings. Many of the progressive constitutionalists were younger and had studied abroad.Chang 1984 18–19 A small fraction of the assemblymen were secretly affiliated with the Tongmenghui; although precise figures and membership is unknown, at least four members of the Sichuan assembly were Tongmenghui members, as well as Shaanxi assembly vice-chairman Guo Xiren.Chang 1968 149–153 + 1909 provincial assembly electionsChang 1968 150, 155Min 1989 178 Province Voters % of pop. population Seats Assembly chairman Fengtian 52,679 0.43% 50 Wu Jinglian Zhili 162,585 0.62% 140 Yan Fengge JiangxiJiangxi, Henan, and Yunnan figures are estimates by Min Tu-kiMin 1989 178 b 120,000 Based off the 1910 Chinese census, statistician Walter F. Willcox estimated that Jiangxi had 15,479,000 people. Combined with Min's estimates, this would mean that 0.82% of the population voted.Min 1989 178Willcox 1928 28 93 Xie Yuanhan Hubei 113,233 0.38% 80 Tang Hualong Henanb 90,527 Based off the 1910 Chinese census, statistician Walter F. Willcox estimated that Henan had 20,977,000 people. Combined with Min's estimates, this would mean that 0.43% of the population voted.Min 1989 178Willcox 1928 28 96 Du Yan Gansu 9,249 0.19% 43 Zhang Linyan Guangxi 40,284 0.50% 57 Chen Shuxun Jilin 15,362 0.27% 30 Qingkang Jiangsu 162,472 0.50% 121 Chang Jian Zhejiang 90,275 0.42% 114 Chen Fuchen Hunan 100,487 0.36% 82 Tan Yankai Shanxi 53,669 0.43% 86 Liang Shanji Sichuan 191,500 0.39% 105 Pu Dianjun Yunnanb 47,000 Based off the 1910 Chinese census, statistician Walter F. Willcox estimated that Yunnan had 7,076,000 people. Combined with Min's estimates, this would mean that 0.66% of the population voted.Min 1989 178Willcox 1928 28 68 Zhang Weicong Heilongjiang 4,652 0.23% 30 Wang Heming Anhui 77,902 0.48% 83 Fang Lizhong Fujian 50,034 0.39% 72 Gao Dengli Shandong 119,549 0.38% 100 Yang Yusi Shaanxi 29,055 0.29% 63 Wang Hengjin Guangdong 141,558 0.44% 91 Yi Xueqing Guizhou 42,526 0.42% 39 Yo JiazaoTotalFincher 1981 112aprox. approximately 1.7 million0.42%1,643 Aftermath The provincial assemblies convened on 14 October 1909.Min 1989 137 Contemporary political and press responses were favorable to the new assemblies. The conservative Viceroy of Liangguang, Zhang Renjun, was initially opposed to the creation of the local assemblies, but described their membership as well-spoken and knowledgeable about the problems facing the country. A North China Herald account described the members of the Shanxi provincial assembly as peaceful and intelligent.Chang 1984 20 The assemblies' powers were primarily consultative. The provincial governorsGovernors (巡撫 xúnfǔ no) were appointed by the emperor. They were under the jurisdiction of the imperially-appointed viceroy or governor-general (總督 zǒngdū no), who oversaw one to three governors.Qu 1962 6 held veto power over the assemblies, almost immediately leading to political conflict between the two. Despite this, the assemblies persistently agitated for political reform and the creation of a national parliament. Within the first year of their operation, they passed a large volume of bills, proposals, and petitions, generally relating to economic development.Chang 1984 21–23Xiao-Planes 2009 40–41Ichiko 1980 400 In 1910, the provincial assemblies elected half of the members of the National Assembly, similarly an advisory council, with the other half of the assembly appointed by the imperial court.Bartlett 2009 132 alt=A group of soldiers standing in front of a large government building, hoisting two revolutionary flags|thumb|The Wuchang Uprising and 1911 Revolution saw the collapse of the Qing Dynasty and the creation of the Republic of China. Before another set of provincial elections could be held, the 1911 Wuchang Uprising led to an anti-Qing revolutionary movement spreading across much of China. The imperial government soon responded with the Shijiu Xintiao no (十九信條 no), a further series of political reforms with some inspiration from the British constitutional system; this did little to curb unrest, and even many constitutionalists joined the revolutionaries. The assemblies helped organize and legitimize provincial military governments to weaken Qing control. Yuan Shikai, the leader of the Qing armies, began to collaborate with the revolutionaries. The Republic of China was declared on 1 January 1912, and the emperor was soon forced to abdicate. The new republic created its own national and provincial assemblies. New provincial assembly elections were held in 1912, similarly plagued by corruption. Chung Po-yee, a member of both the 1909 and 1912 assemblies, described both elections as producing "gentlemanly, modest, and agreeable" assemblymen.Xiao-Planes 2009 40–41Chang 1984 10, 27Fincher 1968 190 The new provincial assemblies were dismantled under Yuan Shikai's regime in the mid-1910s. Further provincial elections, fraudulently controlled by the Anfu Club political clique, were held in 1918.Chang 1984 4, 26 See also 1912–13 Chinese National Assembly election Notes References Bibliography Beatrice S. Bartlett Beatrice Bartlett Encyclopedia of Modern China 2009 2 Government Administration, 1800–1912 David Pong 9780684315683 https://archive.org/details/encyclopediaofmo0002unse_b9n7 Meribeth E. Cameron 1963 1931 The Reform Movement in China, 1898–1912 Octagon Books New York Meribeth E. Cameron https://archive.org/details/reformmovementin0000meri 9780404509590 Chung-li Chang The Chinese Gentry: Studies on Their Role in Nineteenth-Century Chinese Society 1955 University of Washington Press Seattle https://archive.org/details/chinesegentrystu0000chan 9781258044374 David Cheng Chang Democracy Is in Its Details: The 1909 Provincial Assembly Elections and the Print Media China on the Margins 10.1515/9781942242468 Sherman Cochran Paul G. Pickowicz Sherman Cochran Paul G. Pickowicz 195–220 9781942242468 Cornell University Press Ithaca 2011 China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 1968 Yale University Press New Haven 9780300014600 Mary Clabaugh Wright Mary C. Wright https://archive.org/details/chinainrevolutio0000unse none Chang 1968 Chang, P'eng Yuan. "The Constitutionalists". 143–184. Fincher 1968 Fincher, John. "Political Provincialism and the National Revolution". 185–228. 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